–ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΑ ΠΑΡΑΚΑΤΩ–
–ΤÜRKÇE AŞAĞIDA–
March 18 2023 marks the 7th anniversary of the 2016 EU-Turkey Statement. In 2016, Turkey assumed the role of the European Union’s border guard. It received billions of Euros from the EU on the condition that it held migrants in Turkey and received those who were deported back. Turkey, however, did not hesitate to exploit this position, using migrants as a threat and, when necessary, as leverage against the EU.
On February 6 2023, following the earthquakes in Turkey, living conditions for migrants have deteriorated. Increasing racism has led to violent attacks against migrants; for this reason, the earthquake-affected areas can no longer be considered safe for migrants. As aid policies have excluded migrants from the relief system, migrants have difficulties accessing even basic necessities such as drinking water or shelter. Migrants have been labeled as “looters”, and there have been reports that members of Arabic-speaking communities in the region have been the target of racially-motivated mob attacks. Representatives of the Turkish state publicly use anti-migrant rhetoric and promote racist sentiment. Further, migrants who survive the attacks may be tortured by law enforcement officers, as has been reported by legal and rights-based organizations working in the region.
The February 6 earthquake affected at least 10 cities in Turkey. These cities also host the highest percentage population of migrants compared to the local population. Migrants, who already constitute one of the most vulnerable sectors of society due to their socioeconomic status, are among the most mistreated subjects post-earthquake. As early as the second day of the earthquake, when thousands of people were still struggling to survive while trapped under the rubble, fake news with a racist, anti-migrant agenda was circulated by government agencies and representatives of political parties. This openly threatened migrants who had survived the earthquake. Not only did state representatives fail to take any precautions to ensure the safety of migrants, they also failed to take the necessary steps to transfer migrants to other cities. Migrants cannot travel outside their registered cities without travel permits and the lack of issuance of these permits left thousands of people stranded in the aftermath of the disaster. By the beginning of March there were still people in the earthquake zone who could not find a tent, while nightly temperatures dropped below zero. This fact reveals that Turkey has consistently avoided fulfilling its obligation to protect the migrant population.
On the other side of Europe’s border, the Greek Coast Guard and Frontex (the EU’s Border Protection Agency), with bloated budgets increasing further every year, are building up the walls of Fortress Europe, threatening people’s lives by pushing migrants back to Turkey. In Greece, the islands that are close to the Anatolian peninsula are defined as ‘hotspots’ where exceptional procedural rules apply. Here, migrants are portrayed as a threat to the existence of Greece itself. Migrants who do manage to reach these islands after surviving pushback incidents face difficulties in accessing the asylum procedure and health care, and are forced to live in camps that operate as open-air prisons, far from city centers. Many migrants’ applications for international protection are rejected on the grounds that Turkey is a safe third country, citing the EU-Turkey Statement, which also turned the islands into de facto open-air prisons for people who are not permitted to leave. Moreover, in the Greek border camps, from the EU-Turkey Statement until today, many people have lost their lives trapped there, with no accountability from the Greek state and no change in migration policy. On the contrary, the Greek state with the (political and financial) support of the EU is opening new camps. In Greece, the people are being incited against migrants by media and political networks – just as in Turkey. In Greece, the government criminalizes migrants and people who work or stand in solidarity with migrants, launching absurd criminal investigations and convicting people in trials without evidence. By applying criminal provisions on espionage, smuggling and human trafficking, Greece reproduces yet again the climate of fear, which is already well established in Turkey through the extensive use of ‘anti-terror’ legislation.
We, the undersigned organizations, declare that policies of border externalization, and of turning migrants into a cheap labor force, should be stopped immediately. We are against the use of migrants as leverage in domestic and international politics.
We underline that the externalization statements signed between the EU and Turkey or North African countries are against international law. These externalization statements should be immediately revoked, as they violate the responsibilities of the parties to the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees.
We, the undersigned organizations, demand:
- the immediate termination of the application of the EU-Turkey Statement, as codified in Greek national law and regulations or through international agreements with Turkey, as well as all similar externalization statements with other countries, which have been implemented with a similar motive of preventing migrants from entering the EU;
- that the practice of pushbacks between Turkey and Greece, in which the right to life and the prohibition of torture as enshrined in the European Convention of Human Rights are routinely violated, be stopped and remedy mechanisms for the survivors to be implemented immediately;
- that regulations assuring that migrants’ rights are respected, ensuring decent living conditions and freedom of movement, be implemented.
| Academics for Peace / Germany (Barış İçin Akademisyenler Almanya) |
| Adalet İçin Hukukçular / Lawyers for Justice |
| Agora Association Izmir (Turkey) |
| ASGI – Association for Juridical Studies on Immigration |
| Asociación Americana de Juristas |
| Association for Mutual Support and Solidarity with Migrants (Göçmen Yardımlaşma ve Dayanışma Derneği) (Turkey) |
| Avukat Dayanışması / Lawyer solidarity |
| Campaign Against Criminalising Communities (CAMPACC) |
| Center for Research and Elaboration on Democracy/Group of International Legal Intervention (CRED/GIGI) |
| Civic Space Studies Association (Sivil Alan Araştırma Derneği – Türkiye) |
| Community Peacemakers Teams (CPT) (Greece) |
| Confederation of European Alevi Unions (Avrupa Alevi Birlikleri Konfederasyonu) |
| Confederation of Lawyers of Asia & Pacific (COLAP) |
| Confederation of Public Employees’ Trade Unions (Kamu Emekçileri Sendikaları Konfederasyonu – KESK) (Turkey) |
| de:border | migration justice collective (Netherlands) |
| Democratic Alevi Associations (Demokratik Alevi Dernekleri – DAD) (Turkey) |
| Democratic Lawyers Association of Bangladesh (DLAB) |
| Demokrasi İçin Hukukçular / Lawyers for democracy |
| Demokratische Jurist*innen Schweiz |
| Diotima – Centre for Gender Rights & Equality (Greece) |
| Doug Nicholls, General Secretary, General Federation of Trade Unions |
| European Democratic Lawyers (AED) |
| European Lawyers for Democracy and Human Rights (ELDH) |
| Feminist Autonomous Centre for research (FAC) |
| Foundation for Society and Legal Studies (Toplum ve Hukuk Araştırmaları Vakfı – TOHAV) (Turkey) |
| Giuristi Democratici (Italy) |
| Göç Araştırmaları Derneği (Association for Migration Resarch – Turkey) |
| Haldane Society of Socialist Lawyers |
| Hubyar Sultan Alevi Cultural Association (Hubyar Sultan Alevi Kültür Derneği) (Turkey) |
| I Have Rights, Samos (Greece) |
| International Association of Democratic Lawyers (IADL) |
| International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) |
| Iran of the World |
| Iuventa-Crew |
| İnsan Hakları Derneği – İHD (Human Rights Association) (Turkey) |
| Kadın Zamanı Derneği (Women’s Time Association / Turkey) |
| Kadınlar Birlikte Güçlü Platformu – KBG (Women Are Stronger Together Platform – Istanbul) (Turkey) |
| Kartal hukukçular derneği |
| La Garriga Societat Civil (Catalunya) |
| Lawyers Association for Freedom (Özgürlük İçin Hukukçular Derneği – ÖHD) (Turkey) |
| Legal Center Lesvos (Greece) |
| Lesvos LGBTQI+ Refugee Collective |
| MAYA Eğitim Kültür Araştırma Yardımlaşma ve Dayanışma Derneği (Maya Association for Education, Culture, Research, Solidarity and Cooperation) |
| Media and Law Studies (Medya ve Hukuk Çalışmaları Derneği) (Turkey) |
| Medya ve Göç Derneği (The Media and Migration Association (MMA) – Turkey |
| Migrant Solidarity Network / Ankara (GDA / Ankara) |
| Mültecilerle Dayanışma Derneği (Association for Solidarity with Refugees) (Turkey) |
| National Union of People’s Lawyers of the Philippines (NULP) |
| Observatori DESC, Cátedra UNESCO de desarrollo humanos sostenible (Universidad de Girona)(Catalunya) |
| ÖDAV / Libertarian democrat lawyers |
| Pembe Hayat LGBTİ+ Dayanışma Derneği (Pink Life LGBTİ+ Solidarity Association-Turkey) |
| People’s Bridges (Halkların Köprüsü) (Turkey) |
| Pir Sultan Abdal Cultural Association (Pir Sultan Abdal Kültür Derneği) (Turkey) |
| Progressive Lawyers Association (Çağdaş Hukukçular Derneği – ÇHD) (Turkey) |
| Progrssive Lawyers Group (Çağdaş Avukatlar Grubu) (Turkey) |
| Refugee Legal Support Athens |
| Refugees in Libya (refugeesinlibya.org) |
| Republikanischer Anwältinnen- und Anwälteverein e. V (RAV) |
| Research Institute onTurkey (RIT) |
| Schweizerischer Friedensrat, Zürich |
| Sınırsız Kadın Dayanışması (Woman’s Solidarity Without Borders – Istanbul) |
| Sol Hukuk (Turkey) |
| Solidarité sans frontières |
| Sosyal Hukuk |
| Syndicat des avocats de France (SAF) |
| Tadamun Antimili (Colombia) |
| The Catalan association ACDDH |
| the Socialist Lawyers Association of Ireland |
| Toplumsal Hukuk (Turkey) |
| Transnational Migrants Coordination |
| Turkey Human Rights Litigation Support Project (TLSP) |
| Vereinigung demokratischer Juristinnen und Juristen |
| We Want to Live Together Initiative (Birlikte Yaşamak İstiyoruz İnsiyatifi) (Turkey) |
| Yoga and Sports with Refugees |
Η 18η Μαρτίου 2023 σηματοδοτεί την 7η επέτειο της δήλωσης ΕΕ-Τουρκίας του 2016. Το 2016, η Τουρκία ανέλαβε το ρόλο του συνοριοφύλακα της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Έλαβε δισεκατομμύρια ευρώ από την ΕΕ υπό τον όρο ότι θα κρατούσε τους/τις μετανάστ(ρι)ες εντός των συνόρων της, καθώς και ότι θα δεχόταν όσους απελαύνονταν πίσω. Η Τουρκία, ωστόσο, δεν δίστασε να εκμεταλλευτεί αυτή τη θέση, χρησιμοποιώντας τους μετανάστες ως απειλή και, όταν χρειαζόταν, ως μοχλό πίεσης απέναντι στην ΕΕ.
Στις 6 Φεβρουαρίου 2023, μετά τους σεισμούς στην Τουρκία, οι συνθήκες διαβίωσης των μεταναστ(ρι)ών επιδεινώθηκαν. Ο αυξανόμενος ρατσισμός οδήγησε σε βίαιες επιθέσεις κατά των μεταναστ(ρι)ών- για το λόγο αυτό, οι σεισμόπληκτες περιοχές δεν μπορούν πλέον να θεωρηθούν ασφαλείς για τους μετανάστες. Οι μετανάστ(ρι)ες έχουν αποκλειστεί από την κρατική παροχή βοήθειας έτσι δυσκολεύονται να έχουν πρόσβαση ακόμη και σε βασικά αγαθά, όπως πόσιμο νερό ή στέγαση. Οι μετανάστ(ρι)ες έχουν χαρακτηριστεί ως “πλιατσικολόγοι”, και υπάρχουν αναφορές ότι μέλη των αραβόφωνων κοινοτήτων στην περιοχή, έχουν γίνει στόχος επιθέσεων από τον όχλο, με ρατσιστικά κίνητρα. Εκπρόσωποι του τουρκικού κράτους χρησιμοποιούν δημοσίως αντι-μεταναστευτική ρητορική και προωθούν το ρατσιστικό αίσθημα. Επιπλέον, οι μετανάστ(ρι)ες που επιβιώνουν από τις επιθέσεις ενδέχεται να βασανίζονται από τους αστυνομικούς, γεγονός που έχει αναφερθεί/καταγραφεί από νομικές καθώς και οργανώσεις ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων, που δραστηριοποιούνται στην περιοχή.
Ο σεισμός της 6ης Φεβρουαρίου έπληξε τουλάχιστον 10 πόλεις της Τουρκίας. Οι πόλεις αυτές φιλοξενούν επίσης το υψηλότερο ποσοστό μεταναστ(ρι)ών σε σχέση με τον τοπικό πληθυσμό. Οι μετανάστ(ρι)ες, οι οποίοι αποτελούν ήδη ένα από τα πιο ευάλωτα τμήματα της κοινωνίας λόγω της κοινωνικοοικονομικής τους κατάστασης, βρίσκονται μεταξύ των ατόμων που έχουν υποστεί την πλέον άδικη μεταχείριση μετά το σεισμό. Ήδη από τη δεύτερη ημέρα του σεισμού, όταν χιλιάδες άνθρωποι εξακολουθούσαν να παλεύουν για την επιβίωση τους παγιδευμένοι κάτω από τα ερείπια, κυβερνητικές υπηρεσίες και εκπρόσωποι πολιτικών κομμάτων διακινούσαν ψευδείς ειδήσεις που ακολουθούσαν μια ρατσιστική και αντιμεταναστευτική ατζέντα. Η συνθήκη αυτή συνιστά μια ανοιχτή απειλή για τους/τις μετανάστ(ρι)ες που είχαν επιβιώσει από τον σεισμό. Οι εκπρόσωποι του κράτους όχι μόνο δεν προέβησαν σε καμία ενέργεια προκειμένου να εγγυηθούν την ασφάλεια των μεταναστ(ρι)ών, αλλά δεν έλαβαν καν τα απαραίτητα μέτρα για τη μετακίνηση τους σε άλλες πόλεις. Οι μετανάστ(ρι)ες δεν μπορούν να ταξιδέψουν εκτός των πόλεων καταγραφής τους (γεωγραφικοί περιορισμοί) χωρίς ταξιδιωτικές άδειες και η μη έκδοση των εν λόγω αδειών άφησε χιλιάδες ανθρώπους εγκλωβισμένους στις συνέπειες της καταστροφής. Μέχρι τις αρχές Μαρτίου υπήρχαν ακόμα άνθρωποι στη ζώνη του σεισμού οι οποίοι δεν μπορούσαν να βρουν ούτε μια σκηνή για να μείνουν, ενώ οι θερμοκρασίες στην περιοχή,, το βράδυ έπεφταν κάτω από το μηδέν. Το γεγονός αυτό αποκαλύπτει ότι η Τουρκία έχει αποφύγει σταθερά να εκπληρώσει την υποχρέωσή της να προστατεύσει τον μεταναστευτικό πληθυσμό.
Στην άλλη πλευρά των ευρωπαϊκών συνόρων, η Ελληνική Ακτοφυλακή και η Frontex (ο Οργανισμός Προστασίας των ευρωπαϊκών συνόρων), με φουσκωμένους προϋπολογισμούς που αυξάνονται κάθε χρόνο, χτίζουν τα τείχη της Ευρώπης-Φρούριο, απειλώντας τις ζωές των μεταναστ(ρι)ών, με τις επαναπροωθήσεις τους πίσω στην Τουρκία. Στην Ελλάδα, τα νησιά που βρίσκονται κοντά στη χερσόνησο της Ανατολίας χαρακτηρίστηκαν ως “hotspots”, όπου εφαρμόζονται “ειδικά καθεστώτα”. Εδώ, οι μετανάστ(ρι)ες παρουσιάζονται ως απειλή για την ύπαρξη της ίδιας της Ελλάδας. Οι μετανάστ(ρι)ες που καταφέρνουν να φτάσουν στα νησιά αυτά, αφού επιβιώσουν από επιχειρούμενες επαναπροωθήσεις, αντιμετωπίζουν δυσκολίες σε σχέση με την πρόσβαση τους στις διαδικασίες ασύλου, στην υγειονομική περίθαλψη και αναγκάζονται να ζουν σε camp που λειτουργούν ως υπαίθριες φυλακές, μακριά από τα κέντρα των πόλεων. Οι αιτήσεις πολλών μεταναστ(ρι)ών για διεθνή προστασία απορρίπτονται με την αιτιολογία ότι η Τουρκία θεωρείται ασφαλής τρίτη χώρα, παραπέμποντας στη δήλωση ΕΕ-Τουρκίας, εξαιτίας της οποίας τα νησιά μετατράπηκαν σε de facto υπαίθριες φυλακές, εφαρμόζοντας αυστηρούς γεωγραφικούς περιορισμούς. Επιπλέον, στα συνοριακά camp της Ελλάδας, από τη στιγμή που υπεγράφη η δήλωση ΕΕ-Τουρκίας μέχρι και σήμερα, πολλοί άνθρωποι έχουν χάσει τη ζωή τους εγκλωβισμένοι εκεί, χωρίς το ελληνικό κράτος να αναλαμβάνει καμία ευθύνη και χωρίς να προβαίνει σε καμία αλλαγή στη μεταναστευτική του πολιτική. Αντιθέτως, το ελληνικό κράτος με την (πολιτική και οικονομική) υποστήριξη της ΕΕ ανοίγει νέα camp. Στην Ελλάδα, πολλοί άνθρωποι υποκινούνται εναντίον των μεταναστών από τα μέσα μαζικής ενημέρωσης και από διάφορα πολιτικά δίκτυα – όπως ακριβώς συμβαίνει και στην Τουρκία. Στην Ελλάδα, η κυβέρνηση ποινικοποιεί τους μετανάστες και τους ανθρώπους που εργάζονται ή είναι αλληλέγγυοι με τους μετανάστες, προβαίνοντας σε παράλογες ποινικές διώξεις και καταδικάζοντας ανθρώπους χωρίς στοιχεία. Εφαρμόζοντας ποινικές διατάξεις για την κατασκοπεία, την διακίνηση (smuggling) και την εμπορία ανθρώπων, η Ελλάδα αναπαράγει, για ακόμα μια φορά, το κλίμα φόβου, το οποίο έχει ήδη εδραιωθεί, καιρό τώρα, στην Τουρκία, μέσω της εκτεταμένης χρήσης της “αντιτρομοκρατικής” νομοθεσίας.
Εμείς, οι οργανώσεις που υπογράφουμε αυτό το κείμενο, δηλώνουμε ότι οι πολιτικές της εξωτερικοποίησης των συνόρων και η μετατροπή των μεταναστ(ρι)ών σε φθηνό εργατικό δυναμικό, πρέπει να σταματήσουν αμέσως. Είμαστε ενάντια στη χρήση των μεταναστ(ρι)ών ως μοχλού πίεσης στην εσωτερική και διεθνή πολιτική.
Υπογραμμίζουμε ότι οι δηλώσεις εξωτερικοποίησης τών συνόρων που έχουν υπογραφεί μεταξύ της ΕΕ και της Τουρκίας ή των χωρών της Βόρειας Αφρικής αντιβαίνουν στο διεθνές δίκαιο. Οι εν λόγω δηλώσεις εξωτερικοποίησης θα πρέπει να ανακληθούν αμέσως, καθώς παραβιάζουν τις ευθύνες των συμβαλλομένων μερών της Σύμβασης του 1951 για το Καθεστώς των Προσφύγων.
Εμείς, οι οργανώσεις που υπογράφουμε το παρόν κείμενο, απαιτούμε:
- τον άμεσο τερματισμό της εφαρμογής της δήλωσης ΕΕ-Τουρκίας, όπως έχει ενσωματωθεί στο ελληνικό εθνικό δίκαιο και κανονισμούς ή μέσω διεθνών συμφωνιών με την Τουρκία, καθώς και όλων των παρόμοιων δηλώσεων εξωτερικοποίησης των συνόρων με άλλες χώρες, οι οποίες έχουν εφαρμοστεί έχοντας -παρομοίως- ως κίνητρο την παρεμπόδιση της εισόδου μεταναστών στην ΕΕ,
- να σταματήσει η πρακτική των επαναπροωθήσεων μεταξύ Τουρκίας και Ελλάδας, κατά την οποία παραβιάζονται συστηματικά το δικαίωμα στη ζωή και η απαγόρευση των βασανιστηρίων, όπως αυτά κατοχυρώνονται στην Ευρωπαϊκή Σύμβαση Δικαιωμάτων του Ανθρώπου, και να ενεργοποιηθούν άμεσα μηχανισμοί επανόρθωσης και αποκατάστασης για τους επιζώντες,
- την εφαρμογή των κανονισμών που διασφαλίζουν τόσο τον σεβασμό των δικαιωμάτων των μεταναστ(ρι)ών, όσο και αξιοπρεπείς συνθήκες διαβίωσης και ελευθερία μετακίνησης.
| Academics for Peace / Germany (Barış İçin Akademisyenler Almanya) |
| Adalet İçin Hukukçular / Lawyers for Justice |
| Agora Association Izmir (Turkey) |
| ASGI – Association for Juridical Studies on Immigration |
| Asociación Americana de Juristas |
| Association for Mutual Support and Solidarity with Migrants (Göçmen Yardımlaşma ve Dayanışma Derneği) (Turkey) |
| Avukat Dayanışması / Lawyer solidarity |
| Campaign Against Criminalising Communities (CAMPACC) |
| Center for Research and Elaboration on Democracy/Group of International Legal Intervention (CRED/GIGI) |
| Civic Space Studies Association (Sivil Alan Araştırma Derneği – Türkiye) |
| Community Peacemakers Teams (CPT) (Greece) |
| Confederation of European Alevi Unions (Avrupa Alevi Birlikleri Konfederasyonu) |
| Confederation of Lawyers of Asia & Pacific (COLAP) |
| Confederation of Public Employees’ Trade Unions (Kamu Emekçileri Sendikaları Konfederasyonu – KESK) (Turkey) |
| de:border | migration justice collective (Netherlands) |
| Democratic Alevi Associations (Demokratik Alevi Dernekleri – DAD) (Turkey) |
| Democratic Lawyers Association of Bangladesh (DLAB) |
| Demokrasi İçin Hukukçular / Lawyers for democracy |
| Demokratische Jurist*innen Schweiz |
| Diotima – Centre for Gender Rights & Equality (Greece) |
| Doug Nicholls, General Secretary, General Federation of Trade Unions |
| European Democratic Lawyers (AED) |
| European Lawyers for Democracy and Human Rights (ELDH) |
| Feminist Autonomous Centre for research (FAC) |
| Foundation for Society and Legal Studies (Toplum ve Hukuk Araştırmaları Vakfı – TOHAV) (Turkey) |
| Giuristi Democratici (Italy) |
| Göç Araştırmaları Derneği (Association for Migration Resarch – Turkey) |
| Haldane Society of Socialist Lawyers |
| Hubyar Sultan Alevi Cultural Association (Hubyar Sultan Alevi Kültür Derneği) (Turkey) |
| I Have Rights, Samos (Greece) |
| International Association of Democratic Lawyers (IADL) |
| International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) |
| Iran of the World |
| Iuventa-Crew |
| İnsan Hakları Derneği – İHD (Human Rights Association) (Turkey) |
| Kadın Zamanı Derneği (Women’s Time Association / Turkey) |
| Kadınlar Birlikte Güçlü Platformu – KBG (Women Are Stronger Together Platform – Istanbul) (Turkey) |
| Kartal hukukçular derneği |
| La Garriga Societat Civil (Catalunya) |
| Lawyers Association for Freedom (Özgürlük İçin Hukukçular Derneği – ÖHD) (Turkey) |
| Legal Center Lesvos (Greece) |
| Lesvos LGBTQI+ Refugee Collective |
| MAYA Eğitim Kültür Araştırma Yardımlaşma ve Dayanışma Derneği (Maya Association for Education, Culture, Research, Solidarity and Cooperation) |
| Media and Law Studies (Medya ve Hukuk Çalışmaları Derneği) (Turkey) |
| Medya ve Göç Derneği (The Media and Migration Association (MMA) – Turkey |
| Migrant Solidarity Network / Ankara (GDA / Ankara) |
| Mültecilerle Dayanışma Derneği (Association for Solidarity with Refugees) (Turkey) |
| National Union of People’s Lawyers of the Philippines (NULP) |
| Observatori DESC, Cátedra UNESCO de desarrollo humanos sostenible (Universidad de Girona)(Catalunya) |
| ÖDAV / Libertarian democrat lawyers |
| Pembe Hayat LGBTİ+ Dayanışma Derneği (Pink Life LGBTİ+ Solidarity Association-Turkey) |
| People’s Bridges (Halkların Köprüsü) (Turkey) |
| Pir Sultan Abdal Cultural Association (Pir Sultan Abdal Kültür Derneği) (Turkey) |
| Progressive Lawyers Association (Çağdaş Hukukçular Derneği – ÇHD) (Turkey) |
| Progrssive Lawyers Group (Çağdaş Avukatlar Grubu) (Turkey) |
| Refugee Legal Support Athens |
| Refugees in Libya (refugeesinlibya.org) |
| Republikanischer Anwältinnen- und Anwälteverein e. V (RAV) |
| Research Institute onTurkey (RIT) |
| Schweizerischer Friedensrat, Zürich |
| Sınırsız Kadın Dayanışması (Woman’s Solidarity Without Borders – Istanbul) |
| Sol Hukuk (Turkey) |
| Solidarité sans frontières |
| Sosyal Hukuk |
| Syndicat des avocats de France (SAF) |
| Tadamun Antimili (Colombia) |
| The Catalan association ACDDH |
| the Socialist Lawyers Association of Ireland |
| Toplumsal Hukuk (Turkey) |
| Transnational Migrants Coordination |
| Turkey Human Rights Litigation Support Project (TLSP) |
| Vereinigung demokratischer Juristinnen und Juristen |
| We Want to Live Together Initiative (Birlikte Yaşamak İstiyoruz İnsiyatifi) (Turkey) |
| Yoga and Sports with Refugees |
18 Mart 2023’te, 2016 tarihli AB-Türkiye Mutabakatının 7. yıldönümüne varacağız. Türkiye 2016’dan bu yana, göçmenlerin Türkiye’de tutulması ve geri gönderilenlerin kabul edilmesi koşuluyla AB tarafından vaat edilen milyarlarca avro karşılığında bir sınır muhafızı rolü üstlendi. Beri yandan Türkiye bu pozisyonu vasıtasıyla göçmenleri bir tehdit ve gerektiğinde bir baskı mekanizması olarak AB’ye karşı kullanmaktan da geri durmadı.
6 Şubat 2023 tarihinde Türkiye’de meydana gelen depremlerin ardından Türkiye’deki göçmenlerin yaşam koşulları çok daha kötü bir hal almıştır. Yükselen ırkçılık, göçmenlere yönelik şiddet içeren saldırıları tetiklemiştir; sadece bu nedenle bile depremden etkilenen bölgeler göçmenler için güvenli olmaktan çok uzaktır. Deprem yardımlarının dağıtımında izlenen politikalar göçmenleri bu sisteminin dışında bıraktığından, göçmenler içme suyu veya barınma gibi temel ihtiyaçlara bile erişmekte zorlanmaktadır. Göçmenler, bölgede Arap dilli toplulukların mensuplarının alenen linç edilmesinde olduğu gibi, “yağmacı” olarak etiketlenme riskiyle karşı karşıya kalmış ve kalmaya da devam etmektedir. Bu arada, uluslararası sözleşmeler uyarınca göçmenleri korumakla yükümlü olan Türkiye Cumhuriyeti devletinin temsilcileri de alenen göçmen karşıtı söylemler kullanmakta ve ırkçı duyguları teşvik etmektedir. Bunun da ötesinde, depremden ve peşi ardı gelen linçten kurtulmayı başarmış göçmenler, kolluk kuvvetleri tarafından işkenceye maruz kalabilmektedir ve bu durum bölgede çalışan hukuk ve hak örgütleri tarafından rapor edilmiştir.
6 Şubat depremi Türkiye’de en az 10 şehri çok sert bir biçimde etkilemiştir. Bu şehirler aynı zamanda yerel nüfusa kıyasla en yüksek göçmen nüfus oranına sahip olan kentlerden bazılarıdır. Sosyoekonomik durumları nedeniyle zaten toplumun en kırılgan kesimlerinden birini oluşturan göçmenler, deprem sonrasında en çok mağdur edilen öznelerden biri haline gelmişlerdir. Daha depremin ikinci gününde, binlerce insan hala enkaz altında yaşam mücadelesi verirken, devlet kurumları ve göçmen karşıtı/ ırkçı gündemleri olan siyasi parti temsilcileri tarafından yapılan spekülasyonlar ve yalan haberler, depremden sağ kurtulan göçmenleri açıkça tehdit etmiştir. Bu sırada devlet kurumları ve temsilcileri göçmenlerin güvenliğini sağlamak için herhangi bir önlem almadıkları gibi, göçmenlerin başka şehirlere hareket edebilmeleri için gerekli seyahat izinlerinin hazırlanması ve dağıtılması gibi gerekli adımları dahi atmakta geç kalmışlardır. Göçmenler, bu izinler olmadan kayıtlı oldukları şehirlerin dışına seyahat edemedikleri için, deprem felaketi sonrasında kendi kaderlerine terk edilmişlerdir. Mart ayının başında, gece sıcaklığının sıfırın altına düştüğü deprem bölgesinde hala çadır bulamayan insanların olması, Türkiye’nin ev sahipliği ettiği göçmen nüfusu koruma yükümlülüğünü yerine getirmekten ısrarla kaçındığını ortaya koymaktadır.
Sınırın diğer tarafında ise özellikle Yunan Sahil Güvenliği ve Frontex (AB Sınır Koruma Ajansı), hali hazırda devasa olan bütçelerini her yıl daha da arttırarak Avrupa Kalesi’nin duvarlarını daha da yükseltmekte ve göçmenleri Türkiye’ye geri iterek insanların hayatını riske atmaktadır. Yunanistan’da, Anadolu yarımadasına yakın adalar, sığınma başvurularına yönelik istisnai prosedür kurallarının geçerli olduğu ‘sıcak noktalar’ (hotspots) olarak tanımlanmaktadır ve göçmenlerin büyük bir kesimi bu adalara ayak bastıktan sonra sığınma başvuruları sonuçlanana kadar bu adalardan ayrılmaktan men edilmektedirler. Bu olguya paralel olarak Yunanistan’daki hakim politik söylev, göçmenleri Yunanistan’ın varlığına yönelik bir tehdit olarak göstermeye de devam etmektedir. Geri itmelere maruz kalmadan bu adalara ulaşmayı başaran göçmenler ise sığınma prosedürüne ve sağlık hizmetlerine erişimde zorluklarla karşılaşmakta ve şehir merkezlerinden uzakta açık hava hapishanesi olarak faaliyet gösteren kamplarda yaşamak zorunda bırakılmaktadır. Birçok göçmenin uluslararası koruma talebi, AB-Türkiye Mutabakatı gerekçe gösterilerek Türkiye’nin güvenli üçüncü ülke olduğu gerekçesiyle reddedilmekte, bu durum adaları terk edemeyen insanlar için koşulların gerçek bir hapishaneye dönüşmesine neden olmaktadır. Beri yandan AB-Türkiye Mutabakatı’nın ilanından bu yana Yunanistan’ın sınırlarında konumlanmış kamplarda tutsak kalan bir çok insan hayatını kaybetmiş, bu konuda Yunanistan makamları hiçbir şekilde sorumluluk kabul etmemiş ve göç politikalarında herhangi bir değişikliğe gitmemişlerdir. Dahası, Yunanistan’da halk, tıpkı Türkiye’de olduğu gibi medya ve siyasi ağlar tarafından göçmenlere karşı kışkırtılmaktadırlar. Aynı zamanda Yunanistan’da hükümetö göçmenleri ve göçmenlerle birlikte dayanışma içinde yaşayan veya beraber çalışan insanları kriminalize etmekte, bu insanlara karşı hakikatten uzak soruşturmalar açmakta ve onları delilden yoksun davalarla suçlamaktadır. Türkiye’de ‘terörle mücadele’ mevzuatının yaygın bir şekilde kullanılmasıyla iyice yerleşmiş olan korku iklimi, Yunanistan’da da göçmenlere ve onlarla birlikte çalışan ya da dayanışma içinde olan kişilere yönelik casusluk, kaçakçılık ve insan ticaretine ilişkin cezai hükümler uygulanarak yeniden üretilmektedir.
Biz aşağıda imzası bulunan örgütler, göçün dışsallaştırılması ve göçmenlerin ucuz işgücüne dönüştürülmesine vesile olan politikaların derhal durdurulması gerektiğini belirtir, ve göçmenlerin iç ve dış politikada bir koz olarak kullanılmasına karşı olduğumuzu beyan ederiz.
AB ile Türkiye ve hatta Kuzey Afrika ülkeleri arasında imzalanan göçmenlere yönelik benzer mutabakatların uluslararası hukuka aykırı olduğunun altını bir kez daha çizmek isteriz. Mültecilerin Statüsüne İlişkin 1951 Sözleşmesi’nin taraflarının sorumluluklarını ihlal eden bu mutabakatlar derhal iptal edilmelidir.
Biz, aşağıda imzası bulunan kuruluşlar;
- AB-Türkiye Mutabakatı’nın yanı sıra diğer ülkelerle benzer saiklerle yapılan ve göçmenlerin AB’ye girişini engellemek üzere tesis edilen tüm benzer uluslarası anlaşmaların ve mutabakatların derhal feshedilmesini;
- Avrupa İnsan Hakları Sözleşmesi’nde güvence altına alınan yaşam hakkı ve işkence yasağının sıklıkla ihlal edildiği Türkiye ve Yunanistan arasındaki geri itme uygularının durdurulmasını ve mağdurlar için çözüm ve sağaltma mekanizmalarının ivedilikle hayata geçirilmesini;
- Göçmenlerin haklarını güvence altına alan, bu haklara saygı gösteren, göçmenlere insanlık onuruna uygun yaşam koşulları ve seyahat özgürlüğü sağlayan düzenlemelerin oluşturulmasını talep ediyoruz.
| Academics for Peace / Germany (Barış İçin Akademisyenler Almanya) |
| Adalet İçin Hukukçular / Lawyers for Justice |
| Agora Association Izmir (Turkey) |
| ASGI – Association for Juridical Studies on Immigration |
| Asociación Americana de Juristas |
| Association for Mutual Support and Solidarity with Migrants (Göçmen Yardımlaşma ve Dayanışma Derneği) (Turkey) |
| Avukat Dayanışması / Lawyer solidarity |
| Campaign Against Criminalising Communities (CAMPACC) |
| Center for Research and Elaboration on Democracy/Group of International Legal Intervention (CRED/GIGI) |
| Civic Space Studies Association (Sivil Alan Araştırma Derneği – Türkiye) |
| Community Peacemakers Teams (CPT) (Greece) |
| Confederation of European Alevi Unions (Avrupa Alevi Birlikleri Konfederasyonu) |
| Confederation of Lawyers of Asia & Pacific (COLAP) |
| Confederation of Public Employees’ Trade Unions (Kamu Emekçileri Sendikaları Konfederasyonu – KESK) (Turkey) |
| de:border | migration justice collective (Netherlands) |
| Democratic Alevi Associations (Demokratik Alevi Dernekleri – DAD) (Turkey) |
| Democratic Lawyers Association of Bangladesh (DLAB) |
| Demokrasi İçin Hukukçular / Lawyers for democracy |
| Demokratische Jurist*innen Schweiz |
| Diotima – Centre for Gender Rights & Equality (Greece) |
| Doug Nicholls, General Secretary, General Federation of Trade Unions |
| European Democratic Lawyers (AED) |
| European Lawyers for Democracy and Human Rights (ELDH) |
| Feminist Autonomous Centre for research (FAC) |
| Foundation for Society and Legal Studies (Toplum ve Hukuk Araştırmaları Vakfı – TOHAV) (Turkey) |
| Giuristi Democratici (Italy) |
| Göç Araştırmaları Derneği (Association for Migration Resarch – Turkey) |
| Haldane Society of Socialist Lawyers |
| Hubyar Sultan Alevi Cultural Association (Hubyar Sultan Alevi Kültür Derneği) (Turkey) |
| I Have Rights, Samos (Greece) |
| International Association of Democratic Lawyers (IADL) |
| International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) |
| Iran of the World |
| Iuventa-Crew |
| İnsan Hakları Derneği – İHD (Human Rights Association) (Turkey) |
| Kadın Zamanı Derneği (Women’s Time Association / Turkey) |
| Kadınlar Birlikte Güçlü Platformu – KBG (Women Are Stronger Together Platform – Istanbul) (Turkey) |
| Kartal hukukçular derneği |
| La Garriga Societat Civil (Catalunya) |
| Lawyers Association for Freedom (Özgürlük İçin Hukukçular Derneği – ÖHD) (Turkey) |
| Legal Center Lesvos (Greece) |
| Lesvos LGBTQI+ Refugee Collective |
| MAYA Eğitim Kültür Araştırma Yardımlaşma ve Dayanışma Derneği (Maya Association for Education, Culture, Research, Solidarity and Cooperation) |
| Media and Law Studies (Medya ve Hukuk Çalışmaları Derneği) (Turkey) |
| Medya ve Göç Derneği (The Media and Migration Association (MMA) – Turkey |
| Migrant Solidarity Network / Ankara (GDA / Ankara) |
| Mültecilerle Dayanışma Derneği (Association for Solidarity with Refugees) (Turkey) |
| National Union of People’s Lawyers of the Philippines (NULP) |
| Observatori DESC, Cátedra UNESCO de desarrollo humanos sostenible (Universidad de Girona)(Catalunya) |
| ÖDAV / Libertarian democrat lawyers |
| Pembe Hayat LGBTİ+ Dayanışma Derneği (Pink Life LGBTİ+ Solidarity Association-Turkey) |
| People’s Bridges (Halkların Köprüsü) (Turkey) |
| Pir Sultan Abdal Cultural Association (Pir Sultan Abdal Kültür Derneği) (Turkey) |
| Progressive Lawyers Association (Çağdaş Hukukçular Derneği – ÇHD) (Turkey) |
| Progrssive Lawyers Group (Çağdaş Avukatlar Grubu) (Turkey) |
| Refugee Legal Support Athens |
| Refugees in Libya (refugeesinlibya.org) |
| Republikanischer Anwältinnen- und Anwälteverein e. V (RAV) |
| Research Institute onTurkey (RIT) |
| Schweizerischer Friedensrat, Zürich |
| Sınırsız Kadın Dayanışması (Woman’s Solidarity Without Borders – Istanbul) |
| Sol Hukuk (Turkey) |
| Solidarité sans frontières |
| Sosyal Hukuk |
| Syndicat des avocats de France (SAF) |
| Tadamun Antimili (Colombia) |
| The Catalan association ACDDH |
| the Socialist Lawyers Association of Ireland |
| Toplumsal Hukuk (Turkey) |
| Transnational Migrants Coordination |
| Turkey Human Rights Litigation Support Project (TLSP) |
| Vereinigung demokratischer Juristinnen und Juristen |
| We Want to Live Together Initiative (Birlikte Yaşamak İstiyoruz İnsiyatifi) (Turkey) |
| Yoga and Sports with Refugees |