Νέο Σύμφωνο για τη Μετανάστευση και το Άσυλο 

Ερμηνεία συναφών διατάξεων στη νομολογία των διοικητικών δικαστηρίων 

Στις 23 Σεπτεμβρίου του 2020, η Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή κατέθεσε, στο πλαίσιο του Νέου Συμφώνου για τη Μετανάστευση και το Άσυλο, νομοθετικές προτάσεις οι οποίες, σε συνδυασμό με τη δέσμη προτάσεων που κατατέθηκαν από την Επιτροπή το 2016, αποσκοπούν σε μία εις βάθος τροποποίηση του ενωσιακού κεκτημένου για το άσυλο.1 

Στο παρόν σημείωμα παρέχεται μία σύνοψη της πρόσφατης νομολογίας των διοικητικών δικαστηρίων σχετικά με την ερμηνεία των εν ισχύ διατάξεων που αφορούν τη διαδικασία των συνόρων, τον ανασταλτικό χαρακτήρα των ένδικων βοηθημάτων και μέσων, καθώς και τη διοικητική κράτηση, με στόχο την επισήμανση νομικών ζητημάτων και κινδύνων στις κατατεθείσες νομοθετικές προτάσεις και τη συμβολή στο νομοθετικό έργο. 

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 New Pact on Migration and Asylum 

Interpretation of relevant provisions in the case law of the Greek administrative courts* 

On 23 September 2020, as part of the New Pact on Migration and Asylum, the European Commission tabled legislative proposals aiming at an in-depth reform of the EU asylum acquis, in conjunction with the package of proposals presented in 2016.1 

This note provides an overview of recent jurisprudence of the Greek administrative courts on the interpretation of provisions in force governing the border procedure, the suspensive effect of remedies, as well as administrative detention. The note aims to highlight legal issues and risks in the Commission proposals, with a view to contributing to the legislative process. 

(1) Conditions in the camp

(2) Asylum Procedures

(3) Pushbacks

(4) Criminalisation

(5) Political updates and resistance in Lesvos

(1) Conditions in the camp

• 23 January: Inhuman and degrading camp conditions; Greek state admits lead found on site of ‘Moria 2.0’

Mavrovouni / Karatepe ‘Temporary Reception and Identification Centre’ – more commonly known as ‘Moria 2.0’ – is unfit for human habitation. Nobody should be forced to live in the mud, in a tent, by the sea, exposed to all elements. Nobody should have to live in a shelter they are forced to rebuild multiple times a day because it repeatedly collapses or floods in the current conditions of strong wind, heavy rain, hail and snow. Nearly 7,000 people currently live in Moria 2.0. There is insufficient healthcare, privacy, food, electricity, running water, hot showers, operational toilets and other hygiene facilities. Measures to prevent the spread of COVID-19 are inadequate and physical distancing is impossible, given camp residents have to queue to access all basic necessities. As if this were not enough, on 23 January, the Greek government publicly confirmed that dangerous levels of lead had been found in the soil samples taken from Moria 2.0. The Greek state knowingly built Moria 2.0 on a site that had been a military firing range from 1926 until its hasty transformation into a camp in September 2020 following the fires that destroyed Moria camp. There is no level of lead exposure known to be without harmful effects. Lead poisoning causes organ damage, cancer, death. It affects the development of the nervous system and the brain, making lead exposure particularly harmful during pregnancy and for young children – who make up 37% of camp residents. The Greek government continues to downplay the risk presented by these findings and insufficient action has been taken to guarantee the non-derogable rights to life of Moria 2.0 residents accommodated near where the high levels of lead were detected.

→ A joint statement signed by LCL denouncing the risks of lead exposure as a threat to the lives of migrants and workers can be found here 

• 9 February: LCL denounces ongoing failure of Greek authorities to transfer people to the mainland in accordance with their own laws, which amounts to attack on the right to life

On 9 February, the Legal Centre Lesvos submitted a complaint to the Greek Ombudsman urging action to redress the systematic denial of healthcare and adequate reception conditions for 21 LCL clients and their families, whose urgent medical needs have been systematically ignored by the Greek authorities. Greek authorities are systematically failing to transfer “vulnerable” people to the mainland where their specific needs can be met. COVID-19 is no excuse. The restrictions on movement related to the pandemic contain clear exceptions for medical care, meaning Greek and EU nationals are able to travel to the mainland in this way. Administrative status is no excuse, since the right to life is non-derogable under Article 2 of the European Convention on Human Rights and Article 5 of the Greek Constitution. Nobody should be forced to live in a camp, not here in Lesvos, not anywhere, not ever. Everyone’s specific needs should be recognised and provided for. The provisions and categories that exist in both Greek and European law are manifestly inadequate. But the Greek state’s failure to even act in accordance with these laws, to transfer people who are disproportionately exposed to danger and death in the inhuman conditions of Moria 2.0 to appropriate medical care and accommodation on the mainland, amounts to an attack on migrants’ lives.

→ Read the full statement here.

• 15 February: Ongoing discriminatory application of COVID-19 restrictions and enforcement

The pandemic related restrictions have only compounded the situation of police violence, discrimination and effective mass detention for migrants. Measures including curfews and the requirement to carry a justification for movement have been applied in an unjustifiably discriminatory manner. On 15 February, for example, the curfew for the general population in Lesvos was lifted from 6pm to 9pm, yet for migrants living in the camp a separate regime of restrictions remains in place: people are subject to a more stringent curfew of 5pm and only one family member can leave the camp once a week except medical or legal appointments. Even with written justification, permission to leave the camp is often arbitrarily denied. The police disproportionately target racialised people in checking documents and justifications for movement as well in the imposition of fines. 

• 4-9 March: Greek government instructed by European Court of Human Rights to guarantee rights of 3 LCL clients: an indictment of reception conditions in Lesvos

In the first two weeks of March 2021, LCL submitted 5 applications for urgent interim measures to the ECtHR. Three of these interim measures were granted by the Court within 48 hours of submission – A.J. v Greece on 4 March, A.M. v Greece on 5 March and H.A. v Greece on 9 March. In response to the fourth, the Court requested further medical documents within a 7 day deadline, which the person making the application was unable to obtain given the obstacles to accessing medical services in Lesvos – which was itself the subject matter of the application. The fifth application was eventually rejected, following an exchange between the Greek government and the European Court, but only after the Greek government lifted geographic restrictions for the individual and transferred him to accommodation in mainland Greece, rendering the application moot, as this had been its primary objective. In granting each application, the Court indicated to the Government of Greece its obligation to guarantee, to A.J. A.M. and H.A respectively, living conditions compatible with Article 3 of the Convention having regard to their state of health, and to provide them with adequate healthcare. These successive ECtHR decisions are a damning indictment of reception conditions in Lesvos, which not only fall miserably short of the minimum standards mandated by the European Reception Conditions Directive 2013/EU/33, but violate the non-derogable right to be free from inhuman and degrading treatment. Following the ECtHR decisions, A.J, A.M. and H.A. were all transferred to Athens in a matter of days. It is worth noting that this transfer took place for A.M. and her son whose care she depends on, despite the fact that both are no longer technically in the asylum procedure, which has consistently been cited by authorities as a reason not to transfer individuals, despite the fact that the right to life and to be free from the inhuman and degrading treatment that deprivation of healthcare constitutes must take precedence over immigration status. 

It should never have required an application to the European Court of Human Rights for the Greek state to comply with its own laws. The very fact that A.J., A.M., and H.A. were not identified, prioritised and transferred to the mainland for requisite medical attention as a matter of urgency by the Greek authorities and UNHCR, over such a long period of time, is further proof that the laws on international protection in Greece fail to even safeguard the conditions of bare life, let alone the conditions of human dignity, self-determination and flourishing that A.J., A.M., and H.A. and everybody subject to Europe’s violent border regime deserve. There are nearly 7,000 people living in Moria 2.0 in the same inhuman and degrading conditions. Many of them have physical and mental health conditions and particular needs analogous to A.J., A.A., or H.A. On 24th March, LCL sent a follow up email to all the relevant Greek authorities demanding they facilitate the urgent transfer to adequate accommodation and requisite medical care on the Greek mainland for 34 cases (individuals and families) in analogous situations to those granted interim measures by the European Court of Human Rights. In particular, LCL demanded the situation of these people be acted on as a matter of urgency equivalent to that with which authorities acted following the ECtHR interim measures decisions, without requiring further such applications to be made. 

→ Read the full statement here, and the statement on the first client granted interim measures here.

(2) Asylum procedures

• 11 January: Procedural violations and confusion surrounding appeals and the right to free legal aid; short notice changes to interviews obstructing access to procedure

On 11 January the Regional Asylum Office (RAO) attempted to begin issuing first-instance negative asylum decisions and to open the appeals procedure after months of not accepting appeals. The legal aid working group (which LCL is part of) publicly denounced this development in a context where free, state-provided legal aid is not guaranteed as required by Article 20 of the EU Asylum Procedures Directive 2013/32/EU and Article 71(3) of Greek Law 4636/2019. Lack of free legal aid on appeal prevents people understanding the reasons their claim has been rejected, makes it harder to specify grounds for appeal and to avoid appeals being rejected as inadmissible; particularly given the strict deadlines for filing an appeal following a negative decision. Following this, authorities announced the issuance of negative decisions had been suspended. However, since 19 January 2021 the RAO has been issuing first instance rejection decisions, and people are being given appointments to lodge appeals. Further emergent procedural violations include authorities giving insufficient notice for asylum interviews, and changing interview dates with little warning – practices which violate guarantees for applicants under Article 12 of the EU Asylum Procedures Directive, which mandates: “They shall be informed of the time-frame […] That information shall be given in time to enable them to exercise the rights guaranteed in this Directive.” The violations of procedural safeguards attendant on the introduction of remote interviews – denounced here – also remain ongoing. 

It is worth noting that since September 2020, when Moria Reception and Identification Centre was burned down – together with the EASO Offices – asylum seekers have had no access to the asylum office, except when given an appointment by authorities, or when an appointment is scheduled by an attorney. In practice this has meant that individuals are unable to inquire about their case status, submit documents, submit subsequent applications for international protection when they have new evidence that they face a serious risk of harm in their home country, or even to submit appeals in cases that had been rejected before the fire.

(3) Pushbacks 

• 9 January: LCL files fourth application to the European Court of Human Rights regarding collective expulsion (‘pushback’) incidents in the Aegean

On 9 January, the LCL submitted an application to the European Court of Human Rights on behalf of a family with three small children who were pushed back on numerous occasions from Greek territory to Turkish territory at the hands of Greek authorities and their Agents – including the Hellenic Coast Guard, the Greek police and teams of commandos – masked men in black uniforms without insignia. The application concerns three of the violent pushback incidents of collective expulsion this family survived. LCL argued that Greek authorities who perpetrated the collective expulsions violated the Applicants’ right to life under Article 2 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), their right to be free from torture or inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment under Article 3 ECHR, their right to liberty and security under Article 5 ECHR, in conjunction wth their right to an effective remedy under Article 13 and the prohibition of discrimination under Article 14 ECHR. Numerous applications to the ECtHR regarding collective expulsions of migrants from Greece to Turkey at both land and sea borders have been filed by various legal organisations, including three previous applications filed by LCL. However, ECtHR timelines mean that it could take years for such applications to even be considered at the admissibility stage by the Court. Given this, and given the large number of applications deriving from the same underlying problem – i.e violent, systematic, collective expulsions perpetrated by Greek authorities – the LCL hopes that the Court will make use of what is known as the pilot judgement procedure, through which it can seek to achieve a faster solution that extends beyond a particular case so as to cover all similar cases raising the same issue, with the objective of eliminating the underlying systemic or structural root problem.

• 1 February: LCL publishes report on collective expulsions as crimes against humanity in the Aegean

On 1 February 2021, LCL published its second report on systematic pushbacks in the Aegean. The new report contributes to the growing body of evidence that Greek authorities are deliberately and systematically abandoning hundreds of migrants in the middle of the Aegean sea, without means to call for rescue, on unseaworthy, motorless dinghies and liferafts. It is intended to serve as a resource for survivors of collective expulsions and solidarity actors. The report is based on evidence shared by over fifty survivors of collective expulsions, and underscores the widespread, systematic and violent nature of this attack against migrants. Beyond being egregious violations of international, European and national human rights law, the report argues that the constituent elements of the modus operandi of collective expulsions in the Aegean – analysed in detail in section 3 of the report –  amount to crimes against humanity within the definition of Article 7 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. 

→ Read the press release in English, Greek, French and Arabic here. The full report can be found in English here, in Greek here. 

• 15 February: Legal Centre Lesvos and Front-Lex formally call upon Frontex to suspend or terminate its activities in the Aegean Sea region

On Monday 15 February, the Legal Centre Lesvos and Front-Lex sent a formal request to suspend or terminate Frontex operations in the Aegean Sea to Fabrice Leggeri, the Executive Director of the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex), pursuant to Article 265 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. The request is based on an accumulation of evidence showing Frontex and its Executive Director have failed to act, in infringement of European Treaties, in relation to fundamental rights and international protection obligations violations in the Aegean Sea region, including: (1) failure to decide against launching Frontex’s Rapid Border Intervention Aegean in March 2020 despite the fact that the Greek state had by that time already implemented a set of violent anti-migrant measures; (2) failure to suspend or terminate ongoing Frontex operations in the Aegean (Joint Operation Poseidon) despite well-documented, systematic, collective expulsions; (3) failure to give a transparent, truthful and accurate account of the circumstances and number of pushback incidents recorded in the Aegean sea in which Frontex has been implicated, notably during hearings before the European Parliament; (4) ongoing and inherent failure of Frontex’s internal reporting and monitoring mechanisms in relation to fundamental rights violations. 

→ Read the full press release here.

(4) Criminalisation

• 21 February: Legal Centre Lesvos and HIAS Greece defend woman facing severe criminal charges in response to her attempt to self-immolate

On 21 February at 11a.m. M.M, in a state of distress, attempted to take her own life by setting fire to her tent, where she lived with her husband and three small children. On Friday 25 February, in a preliminary hearing held while she was still recovering in a hospital bed with serious burns, she was formally charged with the felony of aggravated arson with intent, resulting in danger to human life and property. This charge could carry a prison sentence of up to ten years, and could potentially result in the Greek state revoking her refugee status. Furthermore, she is prohibited from leaving Greece until tried. M.M. testified that the postponement of the family’s relocation to Germany facilitated by the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) had driven her to a state of acute distress and suicidal ideation due to her fear of imminently giving birth in the unsanitary, inhumane Moria 2.0 camp conditions. The procedures for transfer from Lesvos to Germany are not transparent: there is an absence of information regarding the eligibility criteria and procedure; when people are accepted they are given practically no notice and often are not informed of their precise destination. This lack of transparency compounds the situation of extreme precarity that people like M.M. are already subject to, which takes a heavy toll on mental health. Pressing criminal charges in response to a suicide attempt forms part of an apparent tactic on the part of the Greek state to frame migrants as criminals and threats to the nation in order to distract from the state’s own liability for the violent, inhumane and degrading treatment of migrants in Lesvos and other ‘hotspot’ Aegean islands. In this regard, the decision to prosecute M.M. reveals the same logic as the perverse decision to prosecute the father of a six year old child who tragically drowned in a shipwreck near Samos in November 2020 for endangering his son’s life. The good news following the preliminary hearing was that M.M was not subject to pre-trial detention – disproportionately used against foreign national defendants in Greece – and that M.M. and her family will in any case eventually be transferred to Germany where she will remain subject to reporting requirements pending trial.

→ Read the joint press release with HIAS here

• 25 February: Client facing smuggling charges avoids pre-trial detention disproportionately used against migrants

On 25 February, the Legal Centre Lesvos also represented A.A., an individual facing charges of illegal entry and facilitating illegal entry – ‘smuggling’ – at his preliminary hearing. The individual, who is an applicant for international protection, arrived in Lesvos at the beginning of March 2020, at a time when the Greek state had unlawfully, unilaterally suspended the right to asylum and was systematically pressing criminal charges of illegal entry against migrants arriving and attempting to access asylum procedures. He was detained on arrival first in the port of Mytilene, and later in a military vessel – like hundreds of others held in unofficial sites of detention at that time including buses, ports and boats – before being transferred to Serres, and later Volos. Three months after arrival, at the end of June, an officer of the Hellenic Coast Guard testified that A.A. had been driving the migrant boat he arrived on, and he was charged with illegal entry and facilitating illegal entry – the latter of which is a felony under Greek criminal law. Pressing such charges against migrants identified as having driven a boat is a systematic practice of the Greek state premised on the absurd notion that whoever drives a migrant boat is a smuggler, which in practice involves accusing individuals of having been the boat driver; arresting them without sufficient evidence; incarcerating them for months in pre-trial detention; and when their case eventually goes to trial the conviction is determined in very short procedures that violate standards of fairness and lack due process. The good news in this case is that A,A, had videos clearly demonstrating that he was not the driver of the boat, and legal arguments resulted in him not being ordered detained pending trial – which is unusual and a success in the circumstances. Disturbingly, on the court order following the preliminary hearing it states “there is enough evidence to indicate that he will be convicted”, which does not bode well for his right to fair trial. Systematically prosecuting migrants attempting to access asylum procedures for illegal entry in this manner is a flagrant violation of Article 31 of the 1951 Refugee Convention, which explicitly prohibits penalising illegal entry or presence.

• 9 March: Justice for the Moria 6

On Tuesday 9 March 2021, following a six hour trial before the three member Juvenile Court of Mytilene, two of the Moria 6 defendants, A.A. and M.H. were found guilty of arson, related to the fires that destroyed Moria refugee camp in September 2020. Despite the lack of credible evidence presented against them, both were convicted and sentenced to 5 years in prison including time served, which has been appealed by Legal Centre Lesvos lawyers. Unless their sentence is overturned or reduced on appeal, in practice this sentence will mean 2 further years in prison for these two young men, as they will be eligible for release after serving half the sentence. The trial of these two members of the Moria 6 constitutes a gross miscarriage of justice, which appears to form part of a systematic effort to crush any resistance to Europe’s border regime through collective punishment, by arbitrarily arresting and pressing criminal charges against migrants following migrant-led resistance, such as in the case of the Moria 35. The Legal Centre Lesvos will continue to defend the two young men, to fight for their release from incarceration and to work towards their conviction being overturned on appeal. Alongside other comrades in Lesvos and internationally, including powerful solidarity among the Hazara community demonstrated outside court on the day of the trial, we will continue to fight for justice for the Moria 6 and to stand in solidarity with all those who face the unjust collective punishment of Europe’s border regime.

→ Read the full statement here. 

(5) Political updates and resistance in Lesvos

• 8 January: Takeover of speaker system in Ermou

On Friday 8th January, in the early evening, the hacked speaker system in Ermou – the main street of Mytilene – blasted out a message of solidarity to residents and workers. Ordinarily used to for advertisements, announcements, or Christmas songs, for approximately one hour Mytilene’s loudspeakers instead played songs by anarchist rock band Ochra Spirocheti (Ωχρά Σπειροχαίτη) and by Mora sti Fotia – Babies on Fire (Μωρά στη φωτιά), words of Tzimis Panousis and Katerina Gogou, songs by Laïko (Greek popular music) singer Kazatzidis, as well as Partisan songs and satirical audio material. The intervention, which could be heard from the Legal Centre Lesvos (LCL) office, was interspersed with Greek slogans against detention centres and the incarceration of migrants and slogans against the government’s anti-democratic measures and instrumentalisation of the COVID-19 pandemic. Excerpts included: 

“Don’t trust the Prime Ministers, the mayors, and their consultants, their interests come before honesty. The profits they make from immigration are more important to them than the dignity of the people.”

“Those who fall into the hands of the state are captives for a society of freedom, justice and tolerance. They are your captives. The power of solidarity will build the new world.” 

• 14 January: Greece submits formal request to deport 1,450 people to Turkey

On 14 January, the Greek state submitted a request to the European Commission and European Border and Coast Guard Agency Frontex for the immediate return of 1,450 migrants whose applications for international protection have been rejected, under the provisions of the EU-Turkey ‘Deal’. At the time of the request, 955 of those people are currently in Lesvos, 180 in Chios, 128 in Samos and 187 in Kos. The statement given by the Greek Migration ministry in connection with this request explicitly connects “the acceleration of asylum procedures” with migrants supposedly “not entitled to international protection”. This is particularly disturbing given the long list of procedural violations produced by the attempt to rush people through the asylum procedure from September to December 2020, denounced by the Legal Centre Lesvos here. The EU Commissioner for Home Affairs, Ylva Johansson, in her 29 March visit to Lesvos detailed below, called on Turkey to resume accepting deportations from Greece, and emphasised the need to “protect our external borders” describing this – in a hideous distortion of the word – as “part of solidarity”. Turkey has so far refused the request. 

• 3 February: Construction of new ‘controlled’ camp in Lesvos approved in controversial vote 

On 3 February – less than a month after the European Commission promised to increase funding to the Municipality of Mytilene to “help the Greek authorities face the challenges of specific realities like the one in the island of Lesvos” – the Municipal Council of Mytilene approved the construction of a new “controlled” camp in Lesvos. The construction of the new camp was approved by a margin of one vote, despite vehement local opposition over the past year. During the Council meeting, there were also racist, dog-whistle, speeches including promises that soon there will be no sight of migrants in the towns or on the streets, and the resolution itself emphasised the fact that the camp will be “outside the urban fabric and residential areas” in order to “meet safety and hygiene conditions and for the protection of the inhabitants of the area and residents in it” and promised to “continue the strict control of the activity of NGOs”.

• 16 February: Fascist occupation of local Mytilene high school protesting attendance of migrant children; and anti-fascist resistance

On the 16 February, an anti-fascist counter action took place in Mytilene outside the offices of the Regional Directorate of Education of the North Aegean. The action was a response to the events of Thursday 28th and Friday 29th of January in which Ippio secondary school in Mytilene was occupied by Greek parents and children to prevent migrant children accessing their classes. Teachers were verbally abused and obstructed from entering. Police were in attendance but did not issue a single fine for the people gathered. This incident followed a far-right online misinformation campaign designed to spread hate against migrant children, including claims migrant children were actually 25 years old. The counter-action was organised by the Antifascist Initiative of Lesvos and by teachers, in solidarity with refugee children and their right to education. 

No one alone against racism. All children at school.

→ A joint statement signed by LCL regarding access to education for migrant children in Greece can be found here.

• 28 February: Anti-fascist resistance to far-right actions in Lesvos marking the anniversary of the ‘MAT-invasion’ and recall to Athens

The 28 February marked a year since the riot police – ‘MAT’, in Greek – were recalled from Lesvos and Chios by the Greek government. The special police forces had been sent from Athens to the two Aegean islands in order to quash demonstrations and to strong-arm local compliance with the construction of new detention centres for migrants, which had been resisted by actors across the political spectrum through repeated mass demonstrations, roadblocks and general strikes. To mark the occasion, the Antifascist Initiative of Lesvos alongside the occupation in Mpineo provided an alternative to the celebration of this event in fascist, anti-migrant terms – hanging 10-metre banners in Sapfous Square, Mytilene and on the regional road of Mytilene which the motor-rally called by far-right groups to commemorate the day on their terms passed underneath. The banners read:

NO CAMPS, NO CONTROLLED CENTRES, NO PRISONS. STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM AND SELF-DETERMINATION.

NO FIRE TO THE MIGRANTS, FIRE TO THEIR PRISONS.

• 17-21 March: 5 years of violence and misery under the EU-Turkey Deal

The Legal Centre Lesvos was founded following the 18 March 2016 EU-Turkey statement – otherwise known as the EU-Turkey ‘deal’. Through this agreement of questionable legality, the European Union turned people seeking freedom, safety and dignity into commodities and bargaining chips: agreeing to pay billions of euros to Erdogan’s authoritarian regime in exchange for Turkey acting as a border guard to fortress Europe. The week of 17-21 March 2021 marked five years since the EU-Turkey deal turned the island of Lesvos, and other Aegean ‘hotspot’ islands, into open-air prisons for migrants. Each day of the week, Legal Centre Lesvos published a statement on one aspect of the legal consequences of the EU-Turkey Deal. The full text of these statements can be found here in French and Greek, and linked below in English:

1. Turkey is not a ‘Safe Third Country’
2. ‘Admissibility’
3. New ‘controlled camp in Lesvos and the ‘new’ EU Migration and Asylum Pact
4. Systematic pushbacks in the Aegean
5. Nowruz reminds us that a different world is possible (فار, ENG, ΕΛΛ, سۆر, FR, عرب, KUR)

On Thursday 18 March, a small resistance action to mark the 5 year anniversary of the EU-Turkey deal was organised, despite the context of intense police repression on the island. Banners in Greek, English, Farsi, Arabic and French denouncing fortress Europe and its dirty deals were unfurled at the statue of liberty in Mytilene and hung along fences, while stones painted with messages of solidarity were found throughout Mytilene and near the new camp.

• 29 March: Spring is the best time to tour Europe’s prison islands for migrants in a helicopter: Yvla Johansson visits Lesvos.

On Monday 29 March 2021, Ylva Johansson, the EU Commissioner for Home Affairs, visited Lesvos with the clear purpose of continuing to push the European Commission’s agenda, as articulated in the EU’s proposed new ‘Pact on Migration and Asylum’. If adopted, this Pact will see disastrous policies which have already been tried and failed in Lesvos rolled out all across the borders of fortress Europe, while expanding rich European states’ ability to violently deter, detain and deport people at arm’s length.

Johansson and her colleagues in the European Commission were careful in their use of language. Johansson’s statement explaining her visit to Lesvos was entitled “Spring is the best time to prepare for winter” – a bizarre invocation of the seasons which – just like her saying “winter hardship in 2020-2021 was unfortunate” – functions to make the systematic immiseration, suffering and deaths on the Aegean islands over the past 5 winters sound inevitable: obscuring the fact this forms part of a clear European policy of instrumentalising human suffering to deter migration at any human cost. 

There is no ‘solidarity’ in the European Commission’s new Pact. Their vision is of a fortified, technocratic deportation machine whirring away on the borders of Europe, bankrolled by rich European nations ‘sponsoring’ poorer nations in the south of the EU and abroad to do the dirty work of detention and deportation for them. Rather than whitewashing the systematic violence perpetrated in the name of ‘border management’ under the false claim of ‘solidarity’, Johansson and her colleagues in the European Commission would do better to act in accordance with what solidarity really means: acting – in recognition of the fact that migration is both something people have always done and is a consequence of Europe’s historic and ongoing imperialist ventures – to defund, demilitarise and dismantle Europe’s border regime, and to immediately end the failed, violent policies trialled in the laboratory of Lesvos.

→ Read the full statement here.

Οι οργανώσεις που συνυπογράφουμε το ακόλουθο κείμενο τα τελευταία χρόνια έχουμε γίνει αποδέκτες καταγγελιών για επαναπροωθήσεις στα θαλάσσια και τα χερσαία σύνορα της χώρας. Η πρακτική αυτή φαίνεται πλέον ότι έχει λάβει συστηματικά χαρακτηριστικά και αποτελεί επίσημη πολιτική αποτροπής των προσφυγικών και μεταναστευτικών ροών.

Η πολιτική των θαλάσσιων και χερσαίων επαναπροωθήσεων δεν είναι καινούργιο φαινόμενο, ωστόσο τον προηγούμενο χρόνο έχει υπάρξει πρωτοφανής κλιμάκωση τόσο αριθμητικά όσο και στα μέσα που χρησιμοποιούνται. Δεκάδες περιπτώσεις καταγγελιών έχουν καταγραφεί οι οποίες συνοδεύονται και από στοιχεία που τις τεκμηριώνουν με βίντεο, μαρτυρίες και φωτογραφίες.

Το πλέον ανησυχητικό στοιχείο είναι αφενός η αναφερόμενη ανοχή ή/και εμπλοκή του FRONTEX όσο και η αδράνεια διεξαγωγής μίας ουσιαστικής έρευνας για όσα έχουν δημόσια καταγγελθεί, ενώ η πολιτική αυτή, πέρα από την παραβίαση θεμελιωδών αρχών του διεθνούς δικαίου, θέτει σε άμεσο κίνδυνο και την ίδια την ζωή ανθρώπων.

Επισημαίνουμε με έμφαση ότι :

• Η αποτροπή εισόδου όσο και η επιστροφή προσώπων που έχουν εισέλθει στο Ελληνικό έδαφος, χωρίς την τήρηση των νόμιμων διαδικασιών σύλληψης, καταγραφής, και εξέτασης τυχόν αιτήματός τους για διεθνή προστασία, αντιβαίνει σε θεμελιώδεις αρχές του διεθνούς δικαίου που απαγορεύουν την επιστροφή σε χώρα όπου κάποιος απειλείται με κίνδυνο διώξεων, βασανιστηρίων, ή και απάνθρωπης ή εξευτελιστικής μεταχείρισης.
• Η προστασία της ανθρώπινης ζωής αποτελεί ύψιστο καθήκον και υποχρέωση των αρχών.
• Η στοχοποίηση και η ποινικοποίηση των οργανώσεων και πολιτών που καταγράφουν και φέρουν στη δημοσιότητα περιστατικά επαναπροωθήσεων στα χερσαία και θαλάσσια σύνορα της χώρας, είναι επικίνδυνη για την προστασία του κράτους δικαίου και επιχειρεί να εδραιώσει κλίμα φόβου και ανοχής σε παράνομες πρακτικές.

Ήδη οργανώσεις μεταξύ όσων υπογράφουμε έχουν προβεί στην αποστολή αναφορών και καταγγελιών σε Διεθνή και Ευρωπαϊκά Όργανα, με σκοπό την αποτελεσματική διερεύνηση, όσο και τη δίωξη περιστατικών επαναπροωθήσεων, ενώ με το παρόν απευθύνουμε έκκληση προς τις Οργανώσεις και Φορείς της Κοινωνίας των Πολιτών να συμπτύξουν πρωτοβουλία  με σκοπό να τεθούν σε όλα τα εθνικά, ευρωπαϊκά και διεθνή όργανα τα αιτήματα:

• Της άμεσης παύσης της πρακτικής των παράνομων επαναπροωθήσεων που θέτουν σε κίνδυνο το κράτος δικαίου και θεμελιώδη δικαιώματα του ανθρώπου.
• Της δημιουργίας ανεξάρτητου μηχανισμού συστηματικής καταγραφής όσων υποθέσεων καταγγέλλονται και της τεκμηρίωσης τους.
• Της προστασίας των θυμάτων και της διευκόλυνσης της πρόσβασης τους στην δικαιοσύνη για την ουσιαστική διερεύνηση του βάσιμου των καταγγελιών τους.
• Της προστασίας των οργανώσεων και των πολιτών που καταγράφουν και φέρουν στη δημοσιότητα περιστατικά επαναπροωθήσεων.

ΟΙ ΥΠΟΓΡΑΦΟΥΣΕΣ ΟΡΓΑΝΩΣΕΙΣ

ΑΡΣΙΣ – Κοινωνική Οργάνωση Υποστήριξης Νέων, Αθήνα/ ARSIS – Association for the Social Support of Youth, Athens

HIAS – Greece

Υποστήριξη Προσφύγων στο Αιγαίο /Refugee Support Aegean

Ελληνικό Συμβούλιο για τους Πρόσφυγες /Greek Council for Refugees

HumanRights360

ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗ ΕΝΩΣΗ ΓΙΑ ΤΑ ΔΙΚΑΙΩΜΑΤΑ ΤΟΥ ΑΝΘΡΩΠΟΥ

International Rescue Committee (IRC)

ΣΩΜΑΤΕΙΟ ΥΠΟΣΤΗΡΙΞΗΣ ΔΙΕΜΦΥΛΙΚΩΝ (ΣΥΔ)

Refugee Legal Support (RLS)

Ελληνικό Παρατηρητήριο των Συμφωνιών του Ελσίνκι/Greek Helsinki Monitor

Ελληνικό Φόρουμ Μεταναστών – Greek Forum of Migrants

ΜΕΤΑδραση – Δράση για τη Μετανάστευση και την Ανάπτυξη/ METAdrasi- Action for Migration and Development

ECHO100PLUS

Refugee Rights Europe (RRE)

Συμβίωση-Σχολή Πολιτικών Σπουδών στην Ελλάδα, Δίκτυο Σχολών του Συμβουλίου της Ευρώπης / Symbiosis-School of Political Studies in Greece, affiliated to the Council of Europe Network of Schools

Θετική Φωνή / Positive Voice

ΝΑΟΜΙ, Οικουμενικό Εργαστήρι Προσφύγων, NAOMI, Ecumenical Workshop for Refugees

Diakonie Oesterreich (Austria)

Equal Rights Beyond Borders

Glocal Roots

Αλληλέγγυοι Χίου / Chios Solidarity

Irida Women’s Center

EuroMed Rights

Mobile Info Team

Europe Must Act

ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΟ ΦΟΡΟΥΜ ΜΕΤΑΝΑΣΤΩΝ/ GREEK FORUM OF MIGRANTS

ΑΛΛΗΛΕΓΓΥΗ ΛΕΣΒΟΥ – LESVOS SOLIDARITY

Συνύπαρξη και Επικοινωνί στο Αιγαίο, Μυτιλήνη Coexistence and Communication in the Aegean (Siniparxi) Mytilini

Legal Centre Lesvos

Fenix – Humanitarian Legal Aid

“ΛΑΘΡΑ;” – Επιτροπή Αλληλεγγύης στους Πρόσφυγες Χίου

ΚΕΝΤΡΟ ΓΥΝΑΙΚΕΙΩΝ ΜΕΛΕΤΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΕΡΕΥΝΩΝ – ΔΙΟΤΙΜΑ / CENTRE FOR RESEARCH ON WOMEN’S ISSUES – DIOTIMA

Mobile Info Team

Still I Rise

Mare Liberum

RAD MUSIC INTERNATIONAL

The Hope Project

Attika Human Support

Choose Love

BORDERLINE EUROPE E.V.

Boat Refugee Foundation/Stichting Bootvluchteling

SolidarityNow

Lighthouse Relief (LHR)

Better Days

Changemakers Lab

Ιριδα-Κέντρο Γυναικών – Irida Women’s Center

ΑΝΤΙΓΟΝΗ – Κέντρο Πληροφόρησης και Τεκμηρίωσης για το Ρατσισμό, την Οικολογία, την Ειρήνη και τη Μη Βία/ ANTIGONE – Information and Documentation Centre on Racism, Ecology, Peace and Non Violence

Οικολογική Κίνηση Θεσσαλονίκης/ Ecological Movement of Thessaloniki

Advocates Abroad

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Over the last years, the undersigned organisations have been receiving allegations of push-backs at the country’s land and sea borders. This practice seems to have now acquired systematic characteristics and constitutes an official state policy aiming at the prevention of refugee and migrant flows.

Although not a new phenomenon, this policy of land and sea push-backs has, however, escalated in an unprecedented fashion over the last year, both in terms of frequency of incidents and of the means employed. Dozens of complaints, substantiated by evidence (videos, testimonies and photos), have been recorded.

Of the utmost concern is the reported tolerance and/or involvement of FRONTEX as well as the inaction in conducting a substantial inquiry into the public allegations connected to it. This policy not only constitutes a violation of fundamental principles of international law but also poses a direct threat to people’s lives.

We emphatically point out that:

• The deterrence of entry as well as the return of persons who have entered Greece, without respecting the legal procedures for the apprehension and registration of the latter and without examining their potential application for international protection, infringes the fundamental principles of international law which prohibit the return of persons to a country where they are at risk of persecution, torture and inhuman or degrading treatment.
• The protection of human life is the ultimate responsibility and obligation of the authorities
• Targeting and criminalising civil society organisations and citizens who record and publicise push-back incidents at the land and sea borders of the country is dangerous for the Rule of Law and aims at consolidating a climate of fear and of tolerance towards illegal practices

Several of the undersigned organizations have already submitted reports and complaints to international and European bodies, aiming at the effective investigation and prosecution of illegal push-back practices. In addition, we now call on civil society organisations and bodies to come together in an initiative to address the below demands to national, European and international bodies:

• The immediate end of illegal push-back practices that endanger the Rule of Law and fundamental human rights
• The establishment of an independent mechanism for the systematic recording and substantiation of reported push-back cases
• The protection of the victims and the facilitation of their access to justice for the substantial investigation of their complaints
• The protection of the organisations and citizens that record and publicise incidents of push-backs

THE SIGNING ORGANISATIONS

ΑΡΣΙΣ – Κοινωνική Οργάνωση Υποστήριξης Νέων, Αθήνα/ ARSIS – Association for the Social Support of Youth, Athens

HIAS – Greece

Υποστήριξη Προσφύγων στο Αιγαίο /Refugee Support Aegean

Ελληνικό Συμβούλιο για τους Πρόσφυγες /Greek Council for Refugees

HumanRights360

ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗ ΕΝΩΣΗ ΓΙΑ ΤΑ ΔΙΚΑΙΩΜΑΤΑ ΤΟΥ ΑΝΘΡΩΠΟΥ

International Rescue Committee (IRC)

ΣΩΜΑΤΕΙΟ ΥΠΟΣΤΗΡΙΞΗΣ ΔΙΕΜΦΥΛΙΚΩΝ (ΣΥΔ)

Refugee Legal Support (RLS)

Ελληνικό Παρατηρητήριο των Συμφωνιών του Ελσίνκι/Greek Helsinki Monitor

Ελληνικό Φόρουμ Μεταναστών – Greek Forum of Migrants

ΜΕΤΑδραση – Δράση για τη Μετανάστευση και την Ανάπτυξη/ METAdrasi- Action for Migration and Development

ECHO100PLUS

Refugee Rights Europe (RRE)

Συμβίωση-Σχολή Πολιτικών Σπουδών στην Ελλάδα, Δίκτυο Σχολών του Συμβουλίου της Ευρώπης / Symbiosis-School of Political Studies in Greece, affiliated to the Council of Europe Network of Schools

Θετική Φωνή / Positive Voice

ΝΑΟΜΙ, Οικουμενικό Εργαστήρι Προσφύγων, NAOMI, Ecumenical Workshop for Refugees

Diakonie Oesterreich (Austria)

Equal Rights Beyond Borders

Glocal Roots

Αλληλέγγυοι Χίου / Chios Solidarity

Irida Women’s Center

EuroMed Rights

Mobile Info Team

Europe Must Act

ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΟ ΦΟΡΟΥΜ ΜΕΤΑΝΑΣΤΩΝ/ GREEK FORUM OF MIGRANTS

ΑΛΛΗΛΕΓΓΥΗ ΛΕΣΒΟΥ – LESVOS SOLIDARITY

Συνύπαρξη και Επικοινωνί στο Αιγαίο, Μυτιλήνη Coexistence and Communication in the Aegean (Siniparxi) Mytilini

Legal Centre Lesvos

Fenix – Humanitarian Legal Aid

“ΛΑΘΡΑ;” – Επιτροπή Αλληλεγγύης στους Πρόσφυγες Χίου

ΚΕΝΤΡΟ ΓΥΝΑΙΚΕΙΩΝ ΜΕΛΕΤΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΕΡΕΥΝΩΝ – ΔΙΟΤΙΜΑ / CENTRE FOR RESEARCH ON WOMEN’S ISSUES – DIOTIMA

Mobile Info Team

Still I Rise

Mare Liberum

RAD MUSIC INTERNATIONAL

The Hope Project

Attika Human Support

Choose Love

BORDERLINE EUROPE E.V.

Boat Refugee Foundation/Stichting Bootvluchteling

SolidarityNow

Lighthouse Relief (LHR)

Better Days

Changemakers Lab

Ιριδα-Κέντρο Γυναικών – Irida Women’s Center

ΑΝΤΙΓΟΝΗ – Κέντρο Πληροφόρησης και Τεκμηρίωσης για το Ρατσισμό, την Οικολογία, την Ειρήνη και τη Μη Βία/ ANTIGONE – Information and Documentation Centre on Racism, Ecology, Peace and Non Violence

Οικολογική Κίνηση Θεσσαλονίκης/ Ecological Movement of Thessaloniki

Advocates Abroad

Ylva Johansson, the EU Commissioner for Home Affairs, visited Lesvos yesterday with the clear purpose of continuing to push the European Commission’s agenda, as articulated in the EU’s proposed new ‘Pact on Migration and Asylum’. If adopted, this Pact will see disastrous policies which have already been tried and failed in Lesvos rolled out all across the borders of fortress Europe, while expanding rich European states’ ability to violently deter, detain and deport people at arm’s length.

‘No more Morias’ (apart from ‘Moria 2.0’, and the new one we are building)

In a blog post announcing her visit, Johansson co-opts a slogan of anti-fascist organising on Lesvos: “no more Morias.” Yet after Moria itself burned to the ground in September 2020 – a catastrophe years in the making – it was swiftly replaced by a ‘Moria 2.0’, funded by the European Commission and UNHCR, widely described by its inhabitants as worse than old Moria. ‘Moria 2.0’ (Karatepe / Mavrovouni Temporary Reception and Identification Centre) is not fit for human habitation. Nearly 7,000 people live there in miserable conditions on a rocky outcrop exposed to all elements, hastily transformed from a military firing range to a camp in September 2020, contaminated with lead, with insufficient healthcare, privacy, shelter, electricity, food, running water, hot showers or other hygiene facilities. Physical distancing to prevent the spread of Covid-19 is impossible, given numbers of people accommodated in inadequate tent structures, which repeatedly collapse or flood, given people have to queue to access all basic necessities, and do not have access to enough water or soap to regularly wash themselves or their hands. Successive interim measures granted by the European Court of Human Rights recently, instructing the Greek government to guarantee the rights of Legal Centre Lesvos clients accommodated in the new camp to be free from inhuman and degrading treatment, are an indictment of living conditions in Moria 2.0.

Moria 2.0 is even more of a prison for its inhabitants than old Moria ever was. The pandemic has served as the perfect excuse to control the movement of migrants in Lesvos to such a degree that the camp amounts to a site of effective mass detention, while restrictions are applied in a discriminatory manner. While the general population of Lesvos have a 9pm curfew and are required to carry justifications for movement, migrants living in the camp are subjected to a separate regime: a more stringent 5pm curfew, with only one family member permitted to leave the camp once a week except for medical or legal appointments. Even with written justification, permission to leave the camp is often arbitrarily denied. Outside the camp and in the streets of Mytilene, police disproportionately target racialised people in checking documents and justifications for movement as well as in imposing fines. 

Yet even the detention-like conditions of Moria 2.0 are only a glimpse of what is to come. In a joint press conference on Lesvos yesterday with Johansson and Greek Minister of Migration and Asylum Mitarachis, Johansson announced a further €155 million for Lesvos and Chios to fund the construction of what both politicians repeatedly described as “controlled centres”. The new migrant prison in Lesvos will be – as Mitarachis emphasised – “based on a system of controlled entry and exit… fenced all around… a new type of camp… outside the town”. And while in the press conference Mitarachis complained that there had been too many “semantics” surrounding the new camp, and Johansson nervously laughed as she claimed; “we will not detain people just because they are migrants!”, it is eminently clear that the new camp, located in the middle of nowhere with restricted entry and exit, will function even more like a prison than Moria 2.0 currently does. Mitarachis added that there “will be a closed area” inside the controlled centre – a prison, inside a new prison camp, on a prison island. Prisons within prisons within prisons: fortress Europe’s “fresh start” on migration and asylum looks set to be a never-ending Russian doll of effective incarceration for migrants.

The ‘new’ EU Pact on Migration and Asylum: ‘solidarity’ among violent border regimes

The new EU Pact that Johansson is touting will see Moria-like hotspots introduced and entrenched all along the borders of Europe. The legislative proposals contained within the ‘new’ Pact replicate many of the worst aspects of the policies of containment, obstruction of access to asylum procedures, returns and refoulement tested in the laboratory of Lesvos and the other hotspot Aegean islands over the course of the past 5 years since the EU-Turkey ‘deal’. 

Speaking about the ‘new’ Pact in yesterday’s press conference, Johansson emphasised the need to “protect our external borders” and – in a hideous distortion of the word – described this as “part of solidarity”. She stated that “Frontex has an important role to play in this [border protection]” and the Pact itself proposes “a stronger role for the European Border and Coast Guard Agency” – despite the fact that just last week the European Parliament refused to approve Frontex’s budget due to growing allegations of Frontex’s involvement in human rights violations at fortress Europe’s borders, including evidence of complicity in pushbacks in the Aegean. When questioned on pushbacks in the Aegean yesterday, Johansson simply repeated her discourse on “protecting our external borders”, before later voicing her “concern” at the recent UNHCR submission of evidence concerning several hundred alleged Aegean pushbacks to the Greek authorities for investigation. Mitarachis, meanwhile, continued to “strongly deny the Greek coastguard has ever been involved in pushbacks”, hinting that such “fake news” is linked to the “loss of tens of millions of Euros to smuggling networks”. 

Johansson’s warped use of “solidarity” to describe what amounts to violent border fortification and militarisation is echoed in the grim use of this word – which belongs to the people, not the European Commission – in the ‘new’ EU Asylum and Migration Pact. A particularly disturbing concept within the legislative proposal within the new Pact for a Regulation on asylum and migration management, is “return sponsorship” as a “new form of solidarity measure”, under which member states can choose to “share responsibility” for asylum seekers either by accepting relocation or “sponsoring” deportations on behalf of other member states. “No member state would be obliged to contribute through relocations, as it could choose to sponsor returns instead”, the proposal insists. 

Both Johansson and Mitarachis also spoke in yesterday’s press conference about the importance of “avoid[ing] irregular departures” – a euphemism for Europe’s border externalisation drive, which functions through deals of questionable legality with countries such as Turkey and Libya, and through imperialist dynamics in which aid from, trade agreements with, and visa policies for, the European Union are made conditional on states in the global south acting as violent border guards for fortress Europe. In the press conference Johansson emphasised the importance of “readmission cooperation with third states”, including potential changes in visa policies “according to whether they are cooperating or not”. She also called upon Turkey “to urgently resume returns from Greece – despite Turkey’s recent withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention on preventing and combating violence against women serving as further evidence of the already well documented fact that Turkey is not a ‘safe third country’. 

Johansson and her colleagues in the European Commission are careful in their use of language. Johansson’s statement explaining her visit to Lesvos was entitled “Spring is the best time to prepare for winter” – a bizarre invocation of the seasons which – just like saying “winter hardship in 2020-2021 was unfortunate” – functions to make the systematic immiseration, suffering and deaths on the Aegean islands over the past 5 winters sound inevitable: obscuring the fact this forms part of a clear European policy of instrumentalising human suffering to deter migration at any human cost. 

There is no ‘solidarity’ in the European Commission’s new Pact. Their vision is of a fortified, technocratic deportation machine whirring away on the borders of Europe, bankrolled by rich European nations ‘sponsoring’ poorer nations in the south of the EU and abroad to do the dirty work of detention and deportation for them, far enough away that the stink of dirty money never reaches Brussels.

Rather than whitewashing the systematic violence perpetrated in the name of ‘border management’ under the false claim of ‘solidarity’, Johansson and her colleagues in the European Commission would do better to act in accordance with what solidarity really means: acting – in recognition of the fact that migration is both something people have always done and is a consequence of Europe’s historic and ongoing imperialist ventures – to defund, demilitarise and dismantle Europe’s border regime, and to immediately end the failed, violent policies trialled in the laboratory of Lesvos.

In the first two weeks of March 2021, the Legal Centre Lesvos (LCL) submitted five applications for urgent interim measures to the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). Three of these interim measures were granted by the Court within 48 hours of submission – A.J. v Greece on 4 March, A.M. v Greece on 5 March, and H.A. v Greece on 9 March. In response to the fourth, the Court requested further medical documents within a 7 day deadline, which the person making the application was unable to obtain given the obstacles to accessing medical services in Lesvos – which was itself part of the subject matter of the application. The fifth application is still pending. 

Interim measures, under Rule 39 of the Rules of Court, are granted only where the ECtHR agrees there is an imminent risk of irreparable harm to the person making the application. Interim measures are mainly granted in situations concerning violations of Article 2 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) – the right to life; and violations of Article 3 ECHR – the right to be free from inhuman and degrading treatment. They are a measure of last resort, used where all else fails. 

LCL filed these applications for urgent interim measures to the ECtHR precisely because all else had failed these individuals. The decision to go to the ECtHR followed months of communication with the UNHCR, with the Head of the Mavrovouni Reception and Identification Centre (RIC), and the Vulnerability Focal Point of the RIC, setting out the need for medical treatment not available in Lesvos, and for appropriate accommodation. It followed having even made a complaint to the Greek Ombudsman, all to no avail. A.J. is a heavily pregnant woman with shrapnel injuries causing seizures, numbness, immobility and pain. A.M. is an elderly, physically disabled woman unable to walk and suffering from multiple comorbidities. H.A. has facial paralysis, is a survivor of war and is also in a state of deteriorating physical and mental health. All three had survived the fires that destroyed old Moria refugee camp in September 2020, survived a week sleeping in the streets between police barricades, inhaling police tear gas, without food, water, shelter, basic amenities; only to be accommodated in the hastily constructed Mavrovouni RIC in conditions unfit for human habitation: exposed to lead poisoning, to Covid-19, and to all the elements on a rocky outcrop in winter. For all three individuals, the living conditions in Mavrovouni RIC have already caused irreparable harm to their physical and mental health. LCL argued in the ECtHR applications that the inhuman and degrading camp conditions, compounded by A.J., A.M., and H.A.’s particular health conditions, violated their rights under Articles 2 and 3 ECHR and posed an imminent risk of further irreparable harm. 

In granting each application, the Court indicated to the Government of Greece its obligation to guarantee, to A.J. A.M. and H.A respectively, living conditions compatible with Article 3 of the Convention having regard to their state of health, and to provide them with adequate healthcare. These successive ECtHR decisions are a damning indictment of reception conditions in Lesvos, which not only fall miserably short of the minimum standards mandated by the European Reception Conditions Directive 2013/EU/33, but violate the non-derogable right to be free from inhuman and degrading treatment. They are an indictment of the UNHCR, which has had responsibility, for years, for various aspects of the process of identifying individuals in need of transfer to the mainland as well as for facilitating such transfer, and which cannot be held to account by Courts such as the ECtHR. They are an indictment of the Reception and Identification Service, which has had responsibility for transfers to the mainland since the UNHCR handed over competency to the Greek authorities for the implementation of ESTIA accommodation on 1 January 2021. A.J. and A.M. had both been waiting for over 30 weeks, while H.A. had been waiting for 10 months, for urgent medical examinations recommended by the General Hospital of Mytilene that are not available in Lesvos. Following the ECtHR decisions, A.J, A.M. and H.A. were all transferred to Athens in a matter of days. It is worth noting that this transfer took place for A.M. and her son whose care she depends on, despite the fact that both are no longer technically in the asylum procedure, which has consistently been cited by authorities as a reason not to transfer individuals, despite the fact that the right to life and to be free from the inhuman and degrading treatment that deprivation of healthcare constitutes must take precedence over immigration status.

Once again, it should never have required an application to the European Court of Human Rights for the Greek state to comply with its own laws. The very fact that A.J., A.M., and H.A. were not identified, prioritised and transferred to the mainland for requisite medical attention as a matter of urgency by the Greek authorities and UNHCR, over such a long period of time, is further proof that the laws on international protection in Greece fail to even safeguard the conditions of bare life, let alone the conditions of human dignity, self-determination and flourishing that A.J., A.M., and H.A. and everybody subject to Europe’s violent border regime deserve. There are approximately 6,836 people living in Mavrovouni RIC in the same inhuman and degrading conditions. Many of them have physical and mental health conditions and particular needs analogous to A.J., A.A., or H.A. In light of the repeated grant of interim measures against the government of Greece by the ECtHR, the Greek state must now act to:

• Immediately facilitate transfer to the mainland for the numerous individuals in situations analogous to A.J., A.M. and H.A.

• Ensure provision of medical examination and assistance for all people living in Mavrovouni RIC to prevent the risk of irreparable harm to mental and physical health recognised by the ECtHR in A.J. v Greece, A.M. v Greece and H.A. v Greece arising in future.

• Provide accommodation compatible with human dignity for all migrants in Greece. As a minimum: decent housing, adequate nutrition, accessible health and sanitation facilities – in sites not contaminated by lead. and with sufficient space, hygiene facilities and access to services to guard against Covid-19. 

• Ensure that accommodation compatible with human dignity, access to medical services and transfer to the mainland are provided irrespective of immigration status in accordance with Article 5(2) of the Greek constitution and non-derogable rights under Article 2 and 3 ECHR.

Le Legal Centre Lesbos a été fondé à la suite de la déclaration UE-Turquie du 18 mars 2016 – également connue sous le nom d’Accord UE-Turquie. Par cet accord, dont la légalité est discutable, l’Union européenne a transformé les personnes en quête de liberté, de sécurité et de dignité, en marchandises et en monnaie d’échange: elle a accepté de payer des milliards d’euros au régime autoritaire d’Erdogan en échange d’obtenir de la Turquie qu’elle agisse comme le garde-frontières de la “forteresse” Europe. Cette semaine marque le cinquième anniversaire de l’Accord UE-Turquie qui a transformé l’île de Lesbos et d’autres îles « hotspot » de la mer Égée en prisons à ciel ouvert pour les migrants. Cette semaine, le Legal Centre Lesbos publiera chaque jour une déclaration à propos de différents aspects et conséquences de l’Accord UE-Turquie.

1. La Turquie n’est pas un “pays tiers sûr”
2. « Admissibilité »
3. Un nouveau camp “contrôlé” à Lesvos et le “nouveau” Pacte européen sur la migration et l’asile
4. Pushbacks systematiques dans la mer Egee
5. Norouz nous rappelle qu’un monde différent est possible – un texte écrit par Fatima membre de l’équipe LCL

1. La Turquie n’est pas un “pays tiers sûr”

L’ accord UE-Turquie est basé sur une déclaration de coopération prévoyant le retour en Turquie de tous les migrants « en situation irrégulière » arrivant sur les îles grecques. Après cinq ans d’existence, et bien que la frontière turque ait été officiellement fermée en raison de la pandémie de Covid-19, les objectifs sous-jacents à l’Accord demeurent et continuent d’être mis en œuvre au travers des refoulements systématiques vers la Turquie perpétrés par les autorités grecques avec la complicité des agences de l’UE, et au travers de la fortification violente des frontières turques avec l’Iran, la Syrie et – grâce à un financement supplémentaire de la Commission européenne – avec la Grèce. Nous écrirons davantage sur ces aspects au cours des prochains jours, mais aujourd’hui, nous souhaitons souligner le fondement de cet accord: la désignation de la Turquie en tant que “pays tiers sûr”.

Le concept de “pays tiers sûr” est défini à l’article 38 de la directive “procedures d’asile” et permet aux États membres de l’UE de renvoyer des demandeurs d’asile ou de protection subsidiaire vers un pays, autre que leur pays d’origine s’ils sont passés par celui-ci lors de leur voyage vers l’État membre, et ont un lien avec ce pays. Cependant, cela n’est possible que si ce pays peut être considéré comme “sûr”, c’est à dire que TOUTES les conditions suivantes sont remplies, à savoir: (1) qu’il est possible de demander le statut de réfugié dans ce pays et d’être éligible à recevoir une protection conformément à la Convention de Genève de 1951 relative au statut des réfugiés; (2) qu’il n’y a aucun risque de retour dans un pays d’origine dangereux; (3) qu’il n’y a pas de risque de préjudice grave, et (4) pas de menace pour la vie ou la liberté en raison de la race, de la religion, de la nationalité, de l’appartenance à un groupe social particulier ou de l’opinion politique. Toutefois, la Turquie ne peut être considérée comme un “pays tiers sûr”, à aucun de ces niveaux, car:

(1) La protection internationale en Turquie n’est techniquement disponible que pour les personnes fuyant des événements survenus avant le 1er janvier 1951 et originaires de pays européens uniquement, car la Turquie n’est pas signataire du protocole de 1968 à la Convention de Genève, qui a élargi la protection à la fois dans le temps et dans l’espace. La loi turque de 2013 sur les étrangers et la protection internationale (LFIP) ne prévoit qu’un statut de réfugié conditionnel qui confère un ensemble de droits réduits par rapport à la protection internationale telle que garantie par la Convention de Genève. Seuls les syriens sont éligibles à un régime de “protection temporaire” prévu par la législation nationale turque: si bien que même cette disposition inadéquate n’est pas accessible aux migrants d’autres nationalités.

(2) Les expulsions de demandeurs d’asile depuis la Turquie sont monnaie courante. L’expulsion de personnes dont la demande d’asile est toujours en cours est rendue possible du fait d’échappatoires au principe de non-refoulement énoncés à l’article 54 LFIP, modifié par le décret présidentiel n°676 suite à la tentative de coup d’État de 2016 et par la loi 7070. Des dérogations au principe de non-refoulement sont notamment autorisées pour les individus: constituant une menace à l’ordre public (applicable à toute personne faisant l’objet d’une accusation pénale, même sans condamnation); ayant une « relation » ou étant « associé » à une organisation terroriste (concept non défini); enfreignant les conditions d’entrée légale en Turquie (en pratique, tous les migrants), ou tentant de sortir illégalement de Turquie (comme les migrants voyageant illégalement en Grèce). Un appel contre une décision de renvoi vers un autre pays est possible dans un délai de sept jours, mais l’aide juridique est si limitée que la plupart des gens ne peuvent pas avoir accès à un avocat pour faire appel. Une famille de quatre personnes ayant deux enfants mineurs connus de LCL a été détenue en Turquie pendant neufs mois à la suite d’une expulsion collective illégale depuis la Grèce, puis expulsée de Turquie vers l’Afghanistan. La famille est ensuite retournée en Grèce et a reçu la protection internationale. Un autre survivant d’une expulsion collective de Grèce vers la Turquie documentée par LCL a été expulsé depuis une prison en Turquie vers la Syrie. Cet individu, d’origine syrienne, voyageait en tant que mineur non accompagné et n’avait que quinze ans. Il vit maintenant dans un camp pour personnes déplacées à Idlib, en Syrie.

(3) La détention arbitraire et prolongée dans des conditions inhumaines et dégradantes est un des exemples du préjudice grave qu’encourent les migrants en Turquie. Ils peuvent y être détenu jusqu’à un an, sans que les autorités n’aient besoin de donner une raison et sans contrôle judiciaire. Les centres de détention sont surpeuplés et insalubres et de nombreux cas de violence et de torture de la part du personnel à l’encontre des détenus ont été signalés. Les ressortissants non syriens expulsés de Grèce vers la Turquie sont régulièrement détenus à leur arrivée dans des “centres de renvoi”. Là, ils se voient régulièrement refuser l’accès aux procédures d’asile et risquent d’être expulsés vers leur pays d’origine.

(4) Il est établi que même pour les citoyens turcs – et d’autant plus pour les migrants en situation “irrégulière” – l’État turc représente une menace pour la vie et la liberté en raison de la race, de la religion, de la nationalité, de l’appartenance à un groupe social et de l’opinion politique. L’Accord UE-Turquie a longtemps servi de couverture au régime turc pour la répression contre les dissidents ; pour la persécution systématique des Kurdes , d’autres minorités ethniques et religieuses et des personnes LGBTQI +; pour les arrestations et emprisonnements arbitraires d’opposants politiques, de journalistes, de personnes de gauche, d’ étudiants et d’universitaires, de syndicalistes, de défenseurs des droits de l’homme, d’ avocats ; pour son usage excessif de la force pour écraser la résistance et les manifestations organisées; pour son recours à la torture et aux disparitions forcées; pour son alignement avec les milices fascistes et l’expansionnisme militaire impérialiste impliquant des invasions, des occupations et la commission de crimes de guerre et d’atrocités.

En 2017, à la suite de contestations de la légalité de l’Accord ‘UE-Turquie, la Cour suprême de Grèce a décidé (ΣτΕ 2348/2017) que la Turquie était un “pays tiers sûr” pour deux syriens dont les affaires ont fait l’objet d’un appel. Cette fiction continue d’être soutenue pour la grande majorité des ressortissants syriens, même s’il est clair que les partisans de l’Accord au sein du gouvernement grec n’y croient pas eux-mêmes. Dans un discours prononcé le 5 décembre 2020, le ministre des Affaires étrangères grec, du parti au pouvoir “Nouvelle Démocratie” a annoncé que: “La Turquie mène des opérations militaires dans des territoires étrangers, occupe des parties des pays voisins, menace de guerre, conteste la souveraineté et les droits souverains des pays européens, transporte des djihadistes, s’ingère dans les affaires intérieures d’autres pays, soutient les mouvements extrémistes, instrumentalise l’immigration, porte atteinte aux droits de l’homme à l’intérieur du pays. Elle essaie de développer une sphère d’influence dans la région au sens large – pour créer une nouvelle Yalta turque”.

La Turquie n’est évidemment pas un “pays tiers sûr”. Le fait qu’elle soit designée comme telle par les autorités européennes, de manière insistante, a pour consequence directe le traitement inhumain et dégradant, le refoulement et la mort de migrants. Cela a aussi pour consequence le financement et le renforcement d’un régime autoritaire lui-même responsable de nombreuses formes de violences que les gens fuient.

5 ANS DE MISERE ET DE VIOLENCE C’EST ASSEZ: METTEZ FIN À L’ACORD UE-TURQUIE!

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2. « Admissibilité »

Que signifient l’accord UE-Turquie et la notion de Turquie comme “pays tiers sûr”, décrite dans la publication du LCL hier, pour les personnes arrivant à Lesvos?

La plupart des migrants qui arrivent en Grèce et y demandent l’asile passent un entretien au cours duquel on les questionne sur les raisons de leur départ de leur pays d’origine [pas nécessairement le dernier pays où ils ont vécu ou même où ils sont nés, mais le pays dont ils ont la nationalité] et pourquoi ils ne peuvent y retourner. Sur cette base, les services d’asile grecs et européens évaluent si ils peuvent prétendre au statut de réfugié ou à la protection subsidiaire, ou s’ils doivent (en dernier ressort) être expulsés.

La plupart des migrants, sauf les Syriens. Pour les Syriens, la seule question importante lors de cet entretien d’asile est de savoir s’ils sont arrivés en Grèce depuis la Turquie, soit par la frontière terrestre au nord, soit par l’une des îles “hotspot” de la mer Egée. Tous les demandeurs de protection internationale qui arrivent sur l’une des îles “hotspot” sont soumis aux procédures frontalières mises en œuvre à la suite de l’accord UE-Turquie. Dans le cadre de ces procédures, et notamment depuis les modifications apportées à la législation grecque en matière d’asile en 2019, il n’y a généralement pas d’examen des raisons pour lesquelles la personne demandant l’asile a quitté la Syrie. Leur demande est rejetée car “non admissible”, ce qui signifie que la demande d’asile est jugée irrecevable et qu’aucun examen de l’éligibilité à l’asile n’est effectué, sur la base du fait qu’ils sont passés par la Turquie – un “pays tiers” presumé “sûr” pour les Syriens. Au cours de l’année écoulée, le LCL a vu très peu de Syriens passer cette étape. Ce n’est que dans des circonstances exceptionelles et rares que certains Syriens sont considérés comme n’étant pas en sûreté en Turquie. Dans un cas, par exemple, bien qu’il ait été initialement rejeté par le Bureau régional d’asile de Lesvos, un kurde qui avait fui Afrin au moment même où la Turquie envahissait le nord-est de la Syrie (Rojava) et menait une offensive militaire à Afrin, a été jugé “admissible” en appel et a finalement obtenu l’asile.

L’examen de la Turquie comme un “pays tiers sûr” dans le cadre de la procédure d’admissibilité était auparavant applicable à tous les demandeurs de protection internationale dont le taux de reconnaissance à l’asile était supérieur à 25 % et qui arrivaient de Turquie en Grèce via les îles “hotspot”.

Dans les premières années qui ont suivi l’accord UE-Turquie, les “experts” du Bureau européen d’appui en matière d’asile (EASO) ont été chargés de mener des entretiens avec les demandeurs d’asile et d’évaluer leur “admissibilité” selon les procédures frontalières. Dans l’ensemble, EASO a conclu que la Turquie était un “pays tiers sûr” et que tous les demandeurs d’asile soumis à la procédure d’admissibilité devaient être renvoyés en Turquie, sans même évaluer leur demande d’asile sur le fond. Des conclusions aussi généralisées et infondées de la part d’une agence européenne révèlent l’étroite relation entre l’introduction de la procédure d’admissibilité sur les îles grecques “hotspot” et la volonté d’externaliser les frontières de la “forteresse” européenne. Le service d’asile grec, cependant, a reconnu les limites de la protection en Turquie, et a systématiquement, pour les non-Syriens, contredit les avis rendus par EASO et declare toute demande admissible sans exception. Néanmoins, cela ne veut pas dire que les autorités grecques étaient irréprochables : les Syriens qui n’étaient pas exemptés des procédures frontalières étaient presque universellement jugés irrecevables, même sous la précédente administration Syriza. De plus, c’est le gouvernement Syriza qui a été le premier à mettre en œuvre le modèle d’externalisation et de confinement des frontières sur les îles grecques du “hotspot” à la suite de l’accord UE-Turquie, qui – comme nous le verrons dans les publications des prochains jours – est maintenant utilisé comme modèle pour les propositions législatives contenues dans le “nouveau” Pacte européen sur l’immigration et l’asile.

La procédure d’admissibilité aboutit à des situations contradictoires dans lesquelles des personnes peuvent passer l’étape de l’admissibilité, reconnaissant que la Turquie n’est pas un pays tiers sûr pour elles, mais être ensuite rejetées sur le plan de “l’éligibilité” (leur demande d’asile substantielle) – signifiant qu’elles risquent toujours d’être expulsées vers la Turquie en vertu de l’accord UE-Turquie, bien que les autorités aient déjà jugé que ce pays n’était pas sûr pour elles.

Au cours de l’année écoulée, la procédure « d’admissibilité » n’a été appliquée qu’aux Syriens, la Turquie ayant été jugée universellement dangereuse pour tous les non-Syriens. La frontière turque étant fermée en raison du Covid-19 et la quasi-totalité des demandes syriennes ayant été rejetées comme « inadmissibles » ou irrecevables, les Syriens de Lesbos, ainsi que les personnes d’autres nationalités dont la demande d’asile a été rejetée au regard de cette procédure, se retrouvent dans une situation d’impuissance: ils sont pris au piège et sont sous la menace constante d’une expulsion vers la Turquie. Pour les Syriens, cette procédure a pour objectif d’empêcher que leurs demandes d’asile soient examinées où que ce soit, même si cela va à l’encontre du droit international sur la protection des réfugiés.

Encore une fois : La Turquie n’est pas un pays sûr pour les Syriens. Les expulsions illégales de la Turquie vers la Syrie sont largement connues et documentées: celles-ci surviennent à cause de l’exclusion des Syriens de la procédure de protection internationale: en les empêchant de s’enregistrer en vue d’une protection internationale ; en forçant, souvent par la violence, à signer des “documents d’expulsion volontaire ” ; ou par le biais des nombreuses failles présentent dans la loi turque permettant de contourner le principe de non-refoulement (comme détaillé dans la publication d’hier sur les raisons pour lesquelles la Turquie n’est pas un “pays tiers sûr”).

Même pour les Syriens qui parviennent à rester en Turquie, ce pays ne peut être considéré comme “sûr”. Le statut de protection temporaire offert par la Turquie aux Syriens ne leur offre aucune chance d’obtenir la citoyenneté et la stabilité à terme. Une grande majorité de personnes n’arrivent pas même à déposer une demande de protection temporaire, et pour tous les migrants non-Syriens qui en sont exclus, aucune aide gouvernementale n’est disponible. Cette situation, combinée aux exigences gouvernementales auxquelles les employeurs doivent se plier pour obtenir un permis de travail pour les étrangers, aggrave la situation de nombreux Syriens en Turquie.

Le résultat est injuste et arbitraire pour les Syriens : s’ils atteignent le continent grec et y demandent l’asile, ils ont de fortes chances d’obtenir l’asile ou la protection subsidiaire en Grèce étant donné le conflit en cours en Syrie. Selon les données de EASO, le taux de reconnaissance des Syriens dans l’UE en janvier 2021 était de 90 %, ce qui signifie que 9 demandes syriennes sur 10 dans l’UE ont fait l’objet d’une décision positive : un peu plus que le taux moyen de reconnaissance de l’asile pour les Syriens de 84 % en 2020. Le taux de reconnaissance des Syriens capables de passer l’admissibilité en Grèce en 2020 était de 91,6 % – l’un des taux de reconnaissance de l’asile les plus élevés en Grèce. Si, en revanche, il ne passent pas le cap des îles grecques, ils se voient en général refuser la protection internationale, en raison de la procédure d’admissibilité, et sont renvoyés en Turquie, pour y être peut être refoulés vers la Syrie, soumis à une détention arbitraire prolongée dans des conditions inhumaines et dégradantes, et à la misère. Les Syriens représentent près de 23 % des arrivées en Grèce par la mer depuis janvier 2020, selon les données du Haut Commissariat pour les Réfugiés (UNHCR).

Se rendre sur le continent est presque impossible après avoir atteint les îles: même ceux qui ont besoin d’un traitement médical urgent indisponible sur les îles, se voient actuellement refuser systématiquement le transfert.

La procédure d’admissibilité sur les îles de la mer Égée est injuste et illégale. Elle a pour fonction d’entraver l’accès aux procédures d’asile, et cela en violation du droit international. Elle condamne actuellement les Syriens arrivés sur les îles de la mer Égée à vivre dans les limbes, sous la menace d’un refoulement arbitraire selon leur lieu d’arrivée en Grèce, ce qui, compte tenu de l’absence de voies d’accès sûres et légales, constitue en soi une loterie cruelle. Soumettre certaines nationalités à des procédures d’admissibilité a également pour conséquence de dresser les unes contre les autres les personnes emprisonnées sur les îles de la mer Égée, conformément à l’ancienne tactique impérialiste consistant à diviser pour régner.

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3. Un nouveau camp “contrôlé” à Lesvos et le “nouveau” Pacte européen sur la migration et l’asile

Comme le LCL l’a dénoncé à plusieurs reprises au cours des 5 dernières années, l’accord UE-Turquie a transformé les îles grecques de la mer Égée de Lesvos, Samos, Kos, Leros et Chios en prisons à ciel ouvert pour les migrants arrivant de Turquie. En effet, l’introduction d’une politique de “rétention” empêche les personnes arrivant de Turquie de quitter les îles et de se rendre sur le continent grec et européen. Cette “restriction géographique” a été – et continue d’être – exarcerbée par des conditions dégradantes d’avilissement, de violence et d’inhumanité dans les camps où les personnes vivent quasi-emprisonées. Elle sert l’objectif politique sous-jacent de l’UE de dissuader les arrivées de migrants et d’entraver la migration, quelqu’en soit le prix humain.

Par ailleurs, les politiques frontalières introduites à la suite de l’accord UE-Turquie comprennent des procédures accélérées et de détention à l’arrivée, basées sur la nationalité du requérant, ce qui entrave systématiquement leur accès à l’asile. Dans ces projets dits “pilotes” introduits à Lesvos et à Kos, les hommes célibataires originaires de pays dont le taux de reconnaissance pour l’asile est inférieur à 25 % sont détenus, généralement pendant toute la durée de leur procédure d’asile qui est elle même accélérée (bien que cette mesure ne soit momentanément plus en vigueur à la suite des incendies qui ont ravagé le camp de Moria en septembre 2020 ainsi que son célèbre centre de détention “PRO.KE.K.A”). Cette politique discrimine selon la nationalité et aboutit à une privation arbitraire de liberté. De plus, elle exclut le droit d’accéder à un recours effectif, tout en violant les exigences procédurales du droit grec et du droit européen, qui interdisent la détention au seul motif que les personnes ont demandé la protection internationale. L’idéologie inquiétante de la detention sur la base de la nationalité (“low profile detention scheme”) devrait être évidente au vu de la circulaire de police introduite en 2016 décrivant les personnes de nationalités “à faible reconnaissance” comme des demandeurs au “profil économique” par opposition aux demandeurs à “profil de réfugié”.

En septembre 2020, la Commission européenne a annoncé son “nouveau” Pacte européen sur la migration et l’asile, le qualifiant de “nouveau approche en matière de migration“. Loin d’être un nouveau départ, les propositions législatives contenues dans le “nouveau” Pacte de l’UE reproduisent bon nombre des pires aspects des politiques préexistantes de “rétention”, d’obstruction d’accès aux procédures d’asile, de retours et de refoulement, déja testées dans le “laboratoire” de Lesvos et des autres hotspots de la mer Égée au cours des cinq dernières années depuis l’accord UE-Turquie.

La proposition legislative d’un règlement européen établissant un filtrage des ressortissants de pays tiers aux frontières extérieures, par exemple, s’inspire largement de l’actuelle “procédure d’accueil et d’identification” grecque et prévoit une procédure obligatoire de “filtrage avant l’entrée”, au cours de laquelle les personnes ne seront pas considérées comme “légalement présentes” sur le territoire de l’UE. Cette vérification préalable à l’entrée sur le territoire revient à la détention arbitraire à l’arrivée, sans garantie d’accès à une procédure régulière à un conseil juridique ou à un recours effectif, et sans procédure claire pour identifier les personnes “vulnérables”. La proposition législative de nouveau règlement sur les procédures d’asile, quant à elle, contient une “procédure frontalière” obligatoire, applicable aux personnes identifiées par un contrôle préalable à l’entrée comme étant originaires d’un pays dont le taux de reconnaissance à l’asile dans l’UE est inférieur à 20%, qui servira, en fait, à étendre aux frontières de l’UE la “procédure frontalière” mise en œuvre sur les îles de la mer Égée au cours des cinq dernières années. Comme indiqué plus haut, ces procédures frontalières ont été dénoncées comme violant de nombreuses garanties de procédure, ce qui conduit à des retours illégaux et à des refoulements.

Une autre proposition particulièrement inquiétante contenue dans le “nouveau” Pacte est le concept de “prise en charge des retours” en tant que “un nouveau mécanisme de solidarité“, en vertu duquel les États membres peuvent choisir de “partager la responsabilité” des demandeurs d’asile soit en acceptant leur relocalisation, soit en “parrainant” leur expulsion au nom d’autres États membres. Cette distorsion surréaliste de la notion de solidarité soulève également des questions juridiques sur la manière dont ces déportations peuvent être contestées : l’État membre qui ordonne ou effectue les retours sera-t-il responsable?

À ce sombre tableau de la future politique européenne en matière de migration et d’asile s’ajoute le projet de construction de nouveaux camps “contrôlés” (dont les entrées et les sorties sont limitées) sur les “hotspots” de la mer Égée, dans des endroits reculés, qui faciliteront dans les faits la détention en masse. Pendant la cinquième année de l’accord UE-Turquie, les restrictions liées à la pandémie de Covid-19 ont servi de prétexte à l’introduction d’une détention en masse des migrants à Lesvos, ainsi qu’à l’intensification de la violence policière raciste dont sont victimes les migrants. Le 3 février 2021 – moins d’un mois après que la Commission européenne ait promis d’augmenter le financement de la municipalité de Mytilène pour “aider les autorités grecques à faire face aux défis des situations spécifiques comme celles de l’île de Lesvos” – le conseil municipal de Mytilène a approuvé la construction d’un nouveau camp “contrôlé” à Lesvos. La construction du nouveau camp a été approuvée a une voix d’écart, malgré l’opposition véhémente locale de l’année passée. Lors de la réunion du Conseil, des discours racistes ont été prononcés, y comprenant des promesses qu’on ne verra plus de migrants dans les villes ou dans les rues. La résolution elle-même a souligné le fait que le camp sera “en dehors du tissu urbain et des zones résidentielles” afin de “répondre aux conditions de sécurité et d’hygiène et pour la protection des habitants de la zone et des résidents” et a promis de “poursuivre le contrôle strict de l’activité des ONGs”.

Loin de reconnaître la violence, la misère et les décès directement causés par l’accord UE-Turquie au cours des 5 dernières années, les institutions européennes cherchent à étendre et à reproduire le modèle violent testé à Lesvos et dans les autres “hotspot” de la mer Egée au-delà des frontières de la forteresse Europe, tout en remplaçant les îles-prisons par des structures de camps d’emprisonnement pour les migrants. Le contenu du “nouveau” Pacte européen sur la migration et l’asile ne fait que démontrer une fois de plus que les objectifs de l’accord UE-Turquie – dissuasion des arrivées par tous les moyens nécessaires, déportations hors du territoire de l’UE et externalisation des frontières – restent la priorité de la forteresse européenne. 

PAS DE CAMPS, PAS DE PRISONS, PAS À LESVOS, PAS AILLEURS!

5 ANS APRÈS, TROP C’EST TROP: METTEZ FIN À L’ACCORD UE-TURQUIE.

PUSHBACKS SYSTEMATIQUES DANS LA MER EGEE

La cinquième année de l’accord UE-Turquie a débuté avec la suspension illégale du droit d’asile par l’État grec le 1er mars 2020 et la fortification violente de ses frontières. En parallèle, l’Union Européenne faisait l’éloge de la Grèce en tant que « bouclier » de l’Europe et Frontex lui apportait son soutien matériel accru dans un contexte de violations flagrantes des droits fondamentaux des migrants et des obligations de protection internationale.

Bien que l’UE perpétue les violences contre les migrants à ses frontières depuis de nombreuses années, y compris par des refoulements de migrants, il semble que les responsables grecs et européens pensent que la pandémie de Covid-19 fournirait la couverture parfaite pour intensifier leur attaque contre les migrants dans la mer Égée, en complète impunité. De mars 2020 à aujourd’hui, le nombre officiel d’arrivées de migrants par la voie maritime en Grèce a chuté de 85% par rapport à 2019. Dans le même laps de temps, de nombreux rapports et enquêtes ont révélé une pratique continue et systématique d’expulsions collectives orchestrées par les autorités grecques et menées selon un modus operandi cohérent, avec la complicité documentée de l’agence de garde-côtes européenne Frontex.

Le Legal Centre Lesvos (LCL) a été contacté par plus de cinquante rescapés dans dix-sept expulsions collectives depuis mars 2020. Dans chacun de ces témoignages partagés avec le LCL, les autorités grecques ont expulsé sommairement et violemment des migrants du territoire grec sans les enregistrer ni leur permettre l’accès aux procédures d’asile. Que ce soit au milieu de la mer ou à la suite d’un débarquement sur une île de la mer Égée, les autorités grecques transfèrent de force les migrants vers les eaux turques avant de les abandonner en pleine mer sur des radeaux de sauvetage sans moteur et non navigables, et sans se soucier de leur survie. Malgré de nombreux rapports, déclarations, enquêtes et dénonciations de ces attaques contre les migrants, les refoulements dans la mer Égée se poursuivent en toute impunité, et permettent de mettre en œuvre de manière clandestine et non officielle les objectifs de l’accord UE-Turquie, au moment où la frontière turque reste toujours officiellement fermée. Si la violence des refoulements dans la mer Égée est scandaleuse et doit être traitée comme telle, elle n’est malheureusement pas une aberration au regard de la logique du régime frontalier européen, qui instrumentalise la souffrance humaine dans le but de dissuader la migration, à tout prix.

Même si la procédure et les normes d’accueil prescrites par l’Acquis européen en matière d’asile étaient respectées à Lesbos, de nombreuses personnes seraient tout de même exclues, et le système resterait violent et fondamentalement insuffisant pour garantir des conditions d’épanouissement humain que toute personne mérite. Pour cette raison, le LCL continue à documenter, dénoncer et demander réparation pour les violations systématiques des droits des migrants arrivant à Lesbos. Toutefois, un changement systémique est nécessaire: le cadre européen des Droits de l’Homme ne peut porter atteinte à des personnes qu’il n’a jamais été conçu pour protéger.

5. Norouz nous rappelle qu’un monde différent est possible – un texte écrit par Fatima membre de l’équipe LCL

Norouz marque le début de la nouvelle année en Iran, en Afghanistan et au Kurdistan et c’est un jour férié dans d’autres pays, comme le Tadjikistan, la Russie, le Kirghizstan, le Kazakhstan, la Syrie, l’Irak, la Géorgie, la République d’Azerbaïdjan, l’Albanie, la Chine, la Turquie, le Turkménistan, l’Inde, le Pakistan et l’Ouzbékistan, où la population le célèbre également.

Nous pensons que pendant Norouz, avec le début du printemps, lorsque la nature se renouvelle, nous devrions nous changer en feuille nouvelle et recommencer a porter sur les choses un regard nouveau.

Au début de cette nouvelle année et de ses festivités, les migrants de Lesvos vivent depuis plus de six mois dans des tentes sombres et étriquées, au bord de la mer, dans un environnement semblable à une prison avec le minimum vital et qu’ils ne peuvent quitter qu’une fois par semaine, et encore, seulement pour deux ou trois heures.

Je pense aux migrants qui, cette année, commencent la nouvelle année loin de chez eux, dans des conditions aussi difficiles dans le camp.

Je ne sais pas s’ils peuvent ressentir la joie de la nouvelle année et du Norouz et la célébrer entre eux ou non.

Je ne sais pas s’ils ont encore un peu d’espoir leur permettant de sourire et de se souhaiter une bonne année.

Je ne sais pas s’ils pourront un jour oublier ces souvenirs amers ou s’ils resteront toujours en eux comme un cauchemar…

Dans l’espoir que la nouvelle année sera un meilleur départ pour tous les migrants à travers le monde.

Norouz nous rappelle qu’un monde différent est possible. Solidarité ce Norouz à tous ceux qui luttent pour un monde nouveau.

The Legal Centre Lesvos was founded following the 18 March 2016 EU-Turkey statement – otherwise known as the EU-Turkey ‘deal’. Through this agreement of questionable legality, the European Union turned people seeking freedom, safety and dignity into commodities and bargaining chips: agreeing to pay billions of euros to Erdogan’s authoritarian regime in exchange for Turkey acting as a border guard to fortress Europe. This week marks five years since the EU-Turkey deal turned the island of Lesvos, and other Aegean ‘hotspot’ islands, into open-air prisons for migrants. Each day this week, Legal Centre Lesvos will publish a statement on one aspect of the legal consequences of the EU-Turkey Deal.

1. Turkey is not a ‘Safe Third Country’
2. ‘Admissibility’
3. New ‘controlled’ camp in Lesvos and the ‘new’ EU Migration and Asylum Pact
4. Systematic pushbacks in the Aegean
5. Nowruz reminds us that a different world is possible – (فار, ENG, ΕΛΛ, سۆر, FR, عرب, KUR)

1. Turkey is not a ‘Safe Third Country’

The EU-Turkey ‘Deal’ is based on a statement of cooperation providing for the return of all ‘irregular’ migrants arriving on the Greek islands back to Turkey. In its fifth year, although the Turkish border has been officially closed due to Covid-19, the Deal’s underlying objectives continue to be implemented through systematic pushbacks to Turkey perpetrated by Greek authorities with the complicity of EU agencies, and through Turkey’s violent fortification of its borders with Iran, Syria and – thanks to additional European Commission funding – Greece. We will write more on these aspects over the next few days, but today we want to highlight the root of the deal: the designation of Turkey as a ‘safe third country’.

The safe third country concept, defined in Article 38 of the Asylum Procedures Directive, allows EU Member States to return applicants for asylum or subsidiary protection to a country other than their country of origin if they passed through it on their journey to the Member State and have a connection to that country. They can only do so if that country can be considered ‘safe’, meaning that ALL of the following must be met: (1) it is possible to request refugee status and if eligible to receive protection in accordance with the 1951 Geneva Convention relating to the status of Refugees; (2) there is no risk of return to an unsafe country of origin; (3) there is no risk of serious harm, and (4) there is no threat to life or liberty on account of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group, or political opinion. Turkey is not safe, on any of these levels: 

(1) International protection in Turkey is only technically available to persons fleeing events occurring before 1 January 1951 and from European countries only, as Turkey is not a signatory to the 1968 protocol to the Geneva Convention, which expanded its protection both temporally and geographically. The 2013 Turkish Law on Foreigners and International Protection (LFIP) provides only for a conditional refugee status which affords a lesser set of rights than international protection guaranteed in the Geneva Convention. Meanwhile, only Syrians are eligible for the temporary protection regime provided for in Turkish national law: even this inadequate provision is not available to migrants of all other nationalities. 

(2) As for risk of return to an unsafe country, deportations of asylum seekers from Turkey are routine. The deportation of people whose asylum claims are still pending is enabled by loopholes to the principle of non-refoulement set out in Article 54 LFIP, amended by Presidential Decree No. 676 following the failed 2016 coup attempt and by Law 7070.  Derogation from the principle of non-refoulement is permitted for individuals: posing a public order threat (applied to anyone with a criminal charge, not even a conviction); having a ‘relation’ to or being ‘associated with’ a terrorist organisation (completely undefined); and breaching the terms for legal entry into Turkey (in practice, all migrants) or attempting to illegally exit from Turkey (such as migrants travelling irregularly to Greece). Appeal against a removal decision is possible within seven days, but legal aid is so scant that most people are unable to access representation in order to submit an appeal. One family of four with two minor children known to LCL was detained in Turkey for nine months following an illegal collective expulsion from Greece, and then deported from Turkey to Afghanistan. The family has now returned to Greece and has received international protection. Another survivor of a collective expulsion from Greece to Turkey documented by LCL was deported from jail in Turkey to Syria. This individual was travelling as an unaccompanied minor and was only fifteen years old. He now lives in a camp for internally displaced people in Idlib, Syria. 

(3) Arbitrary, lengthy detention in inhuman and degrading conditions is one example of the serious harm migrants are at risk of in Turkey. Migrants can be detained in Turkey for up to a year with no need for a reason to be given and no judicial oversight. Detention centres are overcrowded and unhygienic and many instances of violence and torture by staff against detainees have been reported. Non-Syrian nationals deported from Greece to Turkey are routinely detained upon arrival where they are held in “removal centres.” In these removal centres they are regularly denied access to asylum procedures and face deportation to their countries of origin. 

(4) It is a well documented fact that even for Turkish citizens – let alone for migrants without status – the Turkish state poses a threat to life and liberty on account of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group and political opinion. The EU-Turkey Deal has long provided cover for the Turkish regime’s crackdown on perceived dissent; for its systematic persecution of Kurds, other ethnic and religious minorities, and LGBTQI+ people; its arbitrary arrest and imprisonment of political opponents, journalists, leftists, students and academics, trade unionists, human rights defenders, lawyers; its excessive use of force to crush organised resistance and protests; its use of torture and enforced disappearances; its alignment with fascist militias and imperialist military expansionism involving invasions, occupations and the commission of war crimes and atrocities. 

In 2017, following challenges to the legality of the EU-Turkey ‘Deal’, the Supreme Administrative Court of Greece decided (ΣτΕ 2348/2017) that Turkey was a safe third country for the two Syrians whose cases were appealed. This fiction continues to be upheld for the vast majority of Syrian nationals, even though it is clear that the Deal’s supporters in government do not believe it themselves. According to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, from the ruling New Democracy party, in a speech made on 5 December 2020: “Turkey conducts military operations in foreign territories, occupies parts of neighboring countries, threatens war, challenges the sovereignty and sovereign rights of European countries, transports jihadists, interferes in the internal affairs of other countries, supports extremist movements, is using immigration as a tool, offends against human rights in the interior of the country. It is trying to develop a sphere of influence in the wider region – to create a new Turkish Yalta.”

Turkey is not a ‘safe third country’. Its insistent designation as such by European authorities directly results in the inhuman and degrading treatment, refoulement and death of migrants, while funding and empowering an authoritarian regime itself responsible for many of the forms of violence people flee. 

5 YEARS ON ENOUGH IS ENOUGH: END THE EU-TURKEY DEAL!

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2. ‘Admissibility’

What does the EU-Turkey Deal and the notion of Turkey as a ‘safe third country’, described in yesterday’s LCL statement, mean in practice for people arriving in Lesvos? 

Most people who arrive here and claim asylum will have an asylum interview in which they will be asked why they left their country of origin [not necessarily the country they last lived in or even were born in, but the country from which they hold citizenship] and why they can’t go back. Based on this, the Greek and European asylum services will assess whether they qualify for refugee status or subsidiary protection, or whether (ultimately) to deport them.

Most people, that is, except Syrians. For Syrians, the only question of importance is did you arrive in Greece from Turkey via the northern land border or via the Aegean sea to one of the ‘hotspot’ islands? All applicants for international protection arriving to one of the ‘hotspot’ islands are subject to the border procedures implemented following the EU-Turkey Deal. Under these procedures, and particularly since changes to Greek asylum law in 2019, usually no examination is made of why the person seeking asylum left Syria. Their claim is rejected on ‘admissibility’, meaning the application for asylum is deemed inadmissible and no examination is made of their eligibility for asylum at all, on the basis that they passed through Turkey – a supposedly ‘safe third country’ for Syrians. Over the course of the past year, the LCL has seen very few Syrians pass this admissibility stage. Only in very specific and rare circumstances, certain individuals are deemed not safe in Turkey. For instance, in one case, although he was initially rejected on admissibility by the Regional Asylum Office of Lesvos, a Kurdish individual who had fled Afrin at the very time Turkey invaded North East Syria (Rojava) and was conducting a military offensive in Afrin, was found ‘admissible’ on appeal, and was granted asylum.

The assessment of whether Turkey is a ‘safe third country’ as part of the admissibility procedure was previously applicable to all applicants for international protection from countries of origin with asylum recognition rates of over 25% arriving from Turkey to Greece via the ‘hotspot’ islands, as part of border procedures. In the first years after the EU-Turkey Deal, European Asylum Support Office (EASO) ‘experts’ were charged with carrying out interviews of asylum seekers and assessing their ‘admissibility’ for substantive asylum procedures in Greece. Across the board, EASO found that Turkey was a ‘safe third country’ and that all asylum seekers subject to the admissibility procedure should be returned to Turkey, without assessing their substantive claim for asylum. Such uniform, unfounded findings by a European agency only reveals the close relationship between the introduction of the admissibility procedure on the ‘hotspot’ Greek islands and fortress Europe’s border externalisation drive. The Greek Asylum Service, however, recognised the limitations of protections available in Turkey, and – for non-Syrians – would overturn the EASO opinion and declare applications admissible without exception. This is not to say that the Greek authorities were without blame: Syrians who were not exempt from border procedures were almost universally found inadmissible, even under the previous Syriza administration. Moreover, it was the Syriza government who first implemented the model of border externalisation and containment on the Greek ‘hotspot’ islands following the EU-Turkey Deal, which – as will be discussed in posts in the coming days – is now being used as the model for legislative proposals contained within the ‘new’ EU Migration and Asylum Pact.

The admissibility procedure results in contradictory situations in which individuals can pass admissibility in recognition that Turkey is not a safe third country for them, but then be rejected on ‘eligibility’ (their substantive asylum claim) – meaning they would still then face deportation to Turkey under the EU-Turkey Deal, despite it already having been deemed unsafe for them by authorities. Over roughly the past year, the ‘admissibility’ procedure has only been applied to Syrians, since Turkey has universally been found to be unsafe for all non-Syrians. With the Turkish border closed due to Covid-19 and practically all Syrian claims rejected on admissibility, this leaves Syrians in Lesvos, and people of other nationalities whose asylum claims have been rejected on eligibility, in a torturous limbo: unable to move forwards or backwards, and under the constant threat of deportation to Turkey. For Syrians, the admissibility procedure increasingly functions to prevent their substantive asylum claims from being examined anywhere at all, in violation of international refugee law. 

Again: Turkey is not safe for Syrians. Illegal deportations from Turkey to Syria are widely reported: these occur through the practice of excluding Syrians from protection against deportation by preventing them registering for international protection; through forcing, often with the use of violence, Syrians to sign ‘voluntary deportation papers’; or through the numerous loopholes to the principle of non-refoulement in Turkish Law, detailed in yesterday’s statement on why Turkey is not a ‘safe third country’. Even for Syrians who do manage to stay in Turkey, Turkey cannot be considered ‘safe’. Turkey’s temporary protective status available to Syrians in lieu of asylum offers no chance of eventual citizenship and stability. For the large number unable to register for the temporary protective status, and for all non-Syrian migrants precluded from it, no government support is available. This, combined with the prohibitive requirements which employers must satisfy in order to gain work permits for foreigners, forces many Syrians into destitution in Turkey. 

The unjust, arbitrary, upshot of all of this for Syrians is that if you reach the Greek mainland and claim asylum there, you are highly likely to get asylum or subsidiary protection given the ongoing conflict in Syria. According to European Asylum Support Office data, the EU recognition rate for Syrians in January 2021 was 90%, meaning that 9 out of 10 Syrian applications in the EU received a positive decision: slightly above the average Syrian asylum recognition rate of 84% in 2020. The recognition rate for Syrians able to pass admissibility in Greece in 2020 was 91.6%  – one of the highest asylum recognition rates in Greece. If, on the other hand, you don’t make it past the Greek islands, due to the admissibility procedure you will in effect be denied international protection and returned to Turkey, to face refoulement to Syria, prolonged arbitrary detention in inhuman, degrading conditions, and destitution. Syrians account for nearly 23% of arrivals to Greece by sea since January 2020, per UNHCR data. Getting to the mainland is almost impossible after reaching the islands: even those who need urgent medical treatment unavailable on the islands are currently being systematically denied transfer.

The admissibility procedure on the Aegean islands is unjust and unlawful. It functions to obstruct access to substantive asylum procedures in violation of international law. It condemns Syrians on the Aegean islands to live in limbo under the threat of refoulement on the arbitrary basis of where in Greece they arrived, which given the lack of safe and legal routes is in itself a cruel lottery. Subjecting certain nationalities to admissibility procedures also functions to pit people imprisoned on the Aegean islands by Europe’s border regime against each other, in keeping with the age-old imperialist tactic of divide and rule. 

PEOPLE ARE NOT ‘INADMISSIBLE’: FORTRESS EUROPE’S DIRTY DEAL IS!

5 YEARS ON ENOUGH IS ENOUGH: END THE EU-TURKEY DEAL!

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3. New ‘controlled’ camp in Lesvos and the ‘new’ EU Migration and Asylum Pact

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As the LCL has repeatedly denounced over the past 5 years, the EU-Turkey Deal transformed the ‘hotspot’ Greek Aegean islands of Lesvos, Samos, Kos, Leros and Chios into open-air prisons for migrants arriving from Turkey, through the introduction of a “containment” policy which prevents people who arrive from Turkey from leaving the islands and travelling onwards to the Greek and European mainland. This ‘geographical restriction’ has been – and continues to be – compounded by immiserating, violent, inhumane and degrading conditions in the camps that people trapped on the islands are forced to live in, serving the EU’s underlying policy goal of deterring arrivals and preventing migration from the global south to Europe, at any human cost.

Meanwhile, border procedures introduced following the EU-Turkey Deal include fast-track procedures and detention on arrival based on nationality, which systematically obstruct access to asylum procedures. In these so-called ‘pilot’ projects introduced in Lesvos and Kos, single men from countries of origin with asylum recognition rates of under 25% are detained, normally for the duration of their asylum procedure, which is also accelerated (although this has not been in place since the fires that burned down Moria Camp in September 2020 led to the evacuation of the notorious detention centre PRO.KE.K.A). This policy amounts to discrimination on the basis of nationality and arbitrary deprivation of liberty, and it precludes the right to access both procedures and effective remedy as well as violating procedural requirements under both Greek and EU law which prohibit detention on the sole basis that people have applied for international protection. The disturbing ideology underlying the self-fulfilling “low profile detention scheme” should be evident from the fact that a police circular following its introduction in 2016 described people from “low recognition” nationalities as “economic profile” as opposed to “refugee profile” applicants. 

In September 2020, the European Commission announced its ‘new’ EU ‘Pact on Migration and Asylum’, terming it a ‘fresh start on migration”. Far from a fresh start, the legislative proposals contained within the ‘new’ EU Pact replicate many of the worst aspects of the policies of containment, obstruction of access to asylum procedures, returns and refoulement tested in the laboratory of Lesvos and other hotspot Aegean islands over the course of the past 5 years since the EU-Turkey Deal. 

The legislative proposal for a Screening Regulation, for example, is largely modelled on the existing Greek ‘reception and identification procedure’, and includes a mandatory ‘pre-entry screening’ procedure, throughout which people will not be deemed ‘legally present’ in EU territory. This pre-entry screening looks set to amount to arbitrary detention on arrival, without due process guarantees such as access to legal advice, effective remedy, and no clear process for identifying ‘vulnerable’ individuals. The legislative proposal for a new Asylum Procedures Regulation, meanwhile, contains an obligatory ‘border procedure’, applicable to individuals identified through pre-entry screening as originating from a country with an EU-wide asylum recognition rate of less than 20%, which will serve, in effect, to roll out across EU borders the ‘border procedure’ implemented on Aegean hotspot islands over the past 5 years. As set out above, such border procedures have been denounced as violating numerous due process guarantees, which in turn lead to unlawful returns and refoulement. 

Another particularly disturbing proposal contained within the new Pact is the concept of ‘return sponsorship’ as a ‘new form of solidarity measure’, under which member states can choose to ‘share responsibility’ for asylum seekers either by accepting relocation or ‘sponsoring’ deportations on behalf of other member states. This surreal distortion of the notion of solidarity also raises legal questions about how such deportations can be challenged: whether the member state ordering or effecting returns will be accountable. 

Added to this bleak picture for future European migration and asylum policy is the plan to construct new, ‘controlled’ camps (with restricted entry and exit) on the Aegean ‘hotspot’ islands, in remote locations, which will facilitate effective mass detention. Over the duration of the fifth year of the EU-Turkey Deal, Covid-19 related restrictions have in any case served as a guise for introducing effective mass detention for migrants in Lesvos, as well as for intensifying the racist police violence migrants are subject to. On 3 February 2021 – less than a month after the European Commission promised to increase funding to the Municipality of Mytilene to “help the Greek authorities face the challenges of specific realities like the one in the island of Lesvos” – the Municipal Council of Mytilene approved the construction of a new “controlled” camp in Lesvos. The construction of the new camp was approved by a margin of one vote, despite vehement local opposition over the past year. During the Council meeting, there were also racist, dog-whistle, speeches including promises that soon there will be no sight of migrants in the towns or on the streets, and the resolution itself emphasised the fact that the camp will be “outside the urban fabric and residential areas” in order to “meet safety and hygiene conditions and for the protection of the inhabitants of the area and residents in it” and promised to “continue the strict control of the activity of NGOs”.

Far from even acknowledging the violence, misery and deaths directly caused by the EU-Turkey Deal over the past 5 years, European institutions are seeking to expand and replicate the violent model tested in Lesvos and other ‘hotspot’ Aegean islands across fortress Europe’s borders, while replacing prison islands with effective prison camp structures on the islands. The content of the ‘new’ EU Migration and Asylum Pact only demonstrates that the objectives of the EU-Turkey Deal – deterrence of arrivals through any means necessary, deportations out of EU territory and border externalisation – remain fortress Europe’s priority.

NO CAMPS, NO PRISONS, NOT HERE IN LESVOS, NOT ANYWHERE!

5 YEARS ON ENOUGH IS ENOUGH: END THE EU-TURKEY DEAL.

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4. Systematic pushbacks in the Aegean

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The EU-Turkey Deal’s fifth year began with the Greek state unlawfully suspending the right to asylum on 1 March 2020 and violently fortifying its borders – with the EU praising Greece as Europe’s “shield” and Frontex providing increased material support in a context of flagrant violations of fundamental rights and international protection obligations. Although the EU has been perpetrating violence against migrants at its borders for many years, including through pushbacks, it seems that Greek and EU officials believed the Covid-19 pandemic would provide the perfect cover to escalate their attack on migrants in the Aegean, with complete impunity. 

From March 2020 to present, the official number of arrivals by sea to Greece has drastically dropped by a reported 85% as compared to 2019. In the same time frame, numerous reports and investigations have revealed a continuous, systematic practice of collective expulsions on the part of Greek authorities, carried out pursuant to a consistent modus operandi, with the documented complicity of EU agency Frontex. LCL has been contacted by over fifty survivors of seventeen collective expulsions since March 2020. In every account shared with LCL by pushback survivors, Greek authorities summarily, violently, expelled migrants from Greek territory without registering their arrival or facilitating access to asylum procedures. Whether in the middle of the sea or following a landing on an Aegean island, Greek authorities forcibly transfer migrants towards Turkish waters before abandoning them at sea on motorless, unseaworthy dinghies or liferafts, with absolute disregard for whether they live or die. Despite numerous reports, statements, investigations and denunciations of this ongoing attack against migrants, pushbacks at the Aegean sea border continue with impunity, functioning as an unofficial implementation of the EU-Turkey deal’s objectives while the Turkish border remains officially closed.

That hundreds of people have been, and continue to be, forcibly transferred then abandoned in the middle of the sea by Greek authorities without means to call for rescue, on unseaworthy, motorless dinghies and liferafts constitutes a spectacular form of state violence against migrants. Beyond rights violations, LCL’s position is that the constituent elements of the consistent modus operandi of collective expulsions in the Aegean, taken with the widespread and systematic nature of this attack, amount to crimes against humanity. The practice of systematic pushbacks with impunity reveals the extent to which fortress Europe treats migrants’ lives as disposable, in a manner that has historically accompanied the commission of atrocity crimes. Today, for example, there are reports containing the unbearable news that at least three people are dead and one person is missing in the Aegean sea following another pushback, in which Greek authorities robbed a group of migrants of their belongings and abandoned them at sea.

However, the same total disregard for migrants’ lives is inherent in the conditions in camps and detention centres people are forced to endure in Lesvos, which are violations of the right to freedom from inhumane and degrading treatment and torture, the right to liberty and security, to private and family life, to effective remedy, to freedom from discrimination, the right to life. It is inherent in people being forced to wait in limbo for years, cut off from family, friends, community, purpose, without being able to move forwards or backwards. It is inherent in the European Union increasingly prioritising and funding mass effective detention of migrants, through ‘hotspot’ systems, accelerated border procedures, forcible deportations, border militarisation, and border externalisation through deals of questionable legality with third countries and by making aid and other financial packages conditional on border fortification. 

While the violence of pushbacks in the Aegean is scandalous and should be treated as such, it is by no means an aberration from the logic of Europe’s border regime, which instrumentalises human suffering for the purpose of deterring migration, at any cost. Even if due process and reception standards mandated by the European asylum aquis were complied with in Lesvos many people would still be excluded, the system would remain violent and fundamentally insufficient to secure the conditions of human flourishing that everyone deserves. For this reason while the LCL will continue to document, denounce and seek redress for the systematic rights violations in Lesvos, we are conscious we must simultaneously organise for systemic change: Europe’s human rights framework cannot fail people it was never designed to protect. 

5 YEARS ON ENOUGH IS ENOUGH: END THE EU-TURKEY DEAL!

Our two reports on pushbacks as crimes against humanity in the Aegean are published today in Greek:

July 2020: ΟΜΑΔΙΚΕΣ ΑΠΕΛΑΣΕΙΣ ΚΑΤΑΓΕΓΡΑΜΜΕΝΕΣ ΣΤΗ
ΘΑΛΑΣΣΑ ΤΟΥ ΑΙΓΑΙΟΥ: ΜΑΡΤΙΟΣ- ΙΟΥΝΙΟΣ 2020

February 2021: ΕΓΚΛΗΜΑΤΑ ΚΑΤΑ ΤΗΣ ΑΝΘΡΩΠΟΤΗΤΑΣ ΣΤΟ ΑΙΓΑΙΟ

5. Nowruz reminds us that a different world is possible – a text written by LCL team member Fatima

(فار, eng, ελλ, سۆر, fr, عرب, kur)

نوروز در ایران و افغانستان و کردستان آغاز سال نو محسوب می‌شود و در برخی دیگر از کشورها یعنی تاجیکستان، روسیه، قرقیزستان، قزاقستان، سوریه، عراق، گرجستان، جمهوری آذربایجان، آلبانی، چین، ترکیه، ترکمنستان، هند، پاکستان و ازبکستان تعطیل رسمی است و مردم آن را جشن میگیرند

ما براین باور هستیم که در نوروز، همزمان با آغاز بهار، همینطور که طبیعت نو‌میشود، ما نیز باید روزگار جدید و‌نگرشی نو آغاز کنیم.

در آغاز سال نو و این جشن بزرگ، مهاجران در لسووس بیشتر از ۶ ماه است که در چادرهای تنگ و تاریک، کنار دریا، در محیطی شبیه به زندان که اجازه ی بیرون رفتن از آن را بیشتر از ۱ بار در هفته و آن هم برای فقط ۲ ال ۳ ساعت ندارند، با حداقل امکانات زندگی میکنند

به مهاجرانی می اندیشم که امسال به دور از خانه و کاشانه خود و در چنین شرایط سخت و‌اسفناکی در کمپ، سال جدید را آغاز می کنند

نمیدانم‌که آیا آنها میتوانند شادی سال نو و نوروز را احساس کنند و آن را کنار یکدیگر جشن بگیرند یانه؟

نمیدانم که آیا هنوز امیدی برایشان باقی مانده است که بتوانند لبخند بزنند و سال نو‌ را به یکدیگر تبریک بگویند یانه؟

نمیدانم که آیا آنها هرگز میتوانند خاطرات سخت این روزها را فراموش کنند یا اینکه همیشه مانند یک کابوس همراهشان خواهد بود

به امید اینکه سال جدید، آغاز بهتری برای تمام مهاجران در سراسر دنیا باشد

نوروز به ما یاداوری میکند که وجود یک‌ دنیای متفاوت ممکن است، نوروز ،همبستگی و‌اتحاد تک تک افرادی ست که برای ایجاد یک دنیای جدید می جنگند

Nowruz is the beginning of the new year in Iran, Afghanistan and Kurdistan and is an official holiday in some other countries, such as Tajikistan, Russia, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Syria, Iraq, Georgia, the Republic of Azerbaijan, Albania, China, Turkey, Turkmenistan, India, Pakistan and Uzbekistan, where the people also celebrate it.

We believe that in Nowruz, with the beginning of spring, when nature renews itself, we should also turn over a new leaf and begin again with a fresh outlook.

At the beginning of the new year and all the festivities, migrants in Lesvos have now been living for over six months in dark, claustrophobic tents, next to the sea, in an environment like a prison which they are not allowed to leave more than once a week, and even then only for two or three hours, with the minimum necessities for life.

I think of the migrants who, this year, begin the new year far from their homes in such difficult conditions in the camp.

I don’t know whether they can feel the joy of the new year and Nowruz and celebrate it among one another or not.

I don’t know whether they still have a vestige of hope allowing them to smile and wish each other a Happy New Year.

I don’t know whether they can ever forget the bitter memories of these days or if they will always stay with them like a nightmare…

In the hope that the new year will be a better beginning for all migrants across the world.

Nowruz reminds us that a different world is possible. Solidarity this Nowruz to everyone fighting for a new world.

***

Το Ναουρούζ είναι η αρχή του νέου έτους στο Ιράν, το Αφγανιστάν και το Κουρδιστάν και είναι επίσημη αργία σε ορισμένες άλλες χώρες, όπως το Τατζικιστάν, η Ρωσία, το Κιργιστάν, το Καζακστάν, η Συρία, το Ιράκ, η Γεωργία, η Δημοκρατία του Αζερμπαϊτζάν, η Αλβανία, η Κίνα, η Τουρκία, Τουρκμενιστάν, Ινδία, Πακιστάν και Ουζμπεκιστάν, όπου οι άνθρωποι το γιορτάζουν επίσης.

Πιστεύουμε ότι στο Ναουρούζ, με την αρχή της άνοιξης, όταν η φύση ανανεώνεται, πρέπει κι εμείς επίσης να γυρίσουμε ένα νέο φύλλο και να ξεκινήσουμε ξανά με μια νέα προοπτική.

Στις αρχές του νέου έτους και σε όλες τις γιορτές, οι μετανάστες στη Λέσβο ζουν, εδώ και πάνω από έξι μήνες σε σκοτεινές, κλειστοφοβικές σκηνές, δίπλα στη θάλασσα, σε ένα περιβάλλον σαν φυλακή, από όπου δεν τους επιτρέπεται να φύγουν περισσότερες από μία φορές την εβδομάδα, και ακόμη και τότε μόνο για δύο ή τρεις ώρες, έχοντας τα απολύτως απαραίτητα για την επιβίωσή τους.

Σκέφτομαι τους μετανάστες που, φέτος, ξεκινούν το νέο έτος μακριά από τα σπίτια τους σε τόσο δύσκολες συνθήκες στο στρατόπεδο.

Δεν ξέρω αν μπορούν να νιώσουν τη χαρά της νέας χρονιάς και το Ναουρούζ και να το γιορτάσουν μεταξύ τους ή όχι.

Δεν ξέρω αν έχουν ακόμα ένα υπόλoιπο ελπίδας που να τους επιτρέπει να χαμογελούν και να ευχηθούν ο ένας στον άλλο μια καλή χρονιά.

Δεν ξέρω αν θα μπορέσουν ποτέ να ξεχάσουν τις πικρές αναμνήσεις αυτών των ημερών ή αν θα μείνουν πάντα μαζί τους σαν εφιάλτης…

Με την ελπίδα ότι η νέα χρονιά θα είναι μια καλύτερη αρχή για όλους τους μετανάστες σε όλο τον κόσμο.

Το Ναουρούζ μας υπενθυμίζει ότι ένας διαφορετικός κόσμος είναι δυνατός. Αλληλεγγύη αυτό το Ναουρούζ σε όλους αυτούς που αγωνίζονται για έναν νέο κόσμο.

***

نەورۆز لە ئێران و ئەفغانیستان  و کوردستان بە هیمای نوێ بوونەوەی ساڵی تازەتە و لە هەندێک وڵاتانی تر وەکوو تاجیکستان و رووسیا و قرقیزستان و قەزاقستان سوریەو ئەراق گورجستان وکوماری ئازەربایجان البانی و چین ترکیە و تورکمەنیستان وهند و پاکیستان و ئەزبەکیستان ئەم روژە بەرز را دەگرن و هەموو شوینک دادەخرێت 

ئەمە لە سەر ئەو باوەرەین کە بە  نەوروز هێمای نوی بوونەوەی کەژو کیوەکانە و دەرفەتێکە بو تازە کردنەوە بیرو ڕا کان وو سەرەتایکی نوێ

لە سەرەتای ساڵی تازەو و ئەم بۆنە پیروزە  ئێمەی پەنابەرلە جەزیرەی لێسڤوس زیاتر لە شەش مانگە کە لە خەیمە هایکی بچکولانە و تاریک دا لە قەزاغی ئاوی نیجە لە وڵاتی یونان و لە شوێنکی وەکوو زیندان کە لە هەفتەیکدا یەک جار بومان هەیە بروینە دەروە ئەویش بەس بو ٢ بو ٣ ساعەت بە کەمترین ئەمکاناتی ژیانەوە دەین 

بیر لە ئەو پەنابەرانە دەکەینەوە کە ئەمساڵ بە دووری لە بنەماڵێکانیان لە یانکی ئاوا قورس دا لە کەمیکی لە شێوەی سجن دا نەوروز دەگرن بەلام نازنین کە ئیا ئەتوانن کە ئایا ئەتوانین لە سەرەتای هاتنی ساڵی تازە ئەو روە بە خوشی بەریەنە سەر یان نە ؟

نانزانین کە ئایا هیچ هیوایک ماوەتەوە لە دڵیاندا کە بتوانن بە بزەیکی لە سەر لیویان نەوروز پیروز بکەن لە یەکتر یان نە ؟

نازانین کە ئایا ئەتوانین قە ئەم روژانە لە بیر بکەین یان وەکوو کابووسێک بۆ هەتا هتایە لەگەڵمان ئەمێنێتەوە …… ؟

بە ئەو هیوایە کە ئەم ساڵی تازە بێتسەرەتکی ساڵی پر لە سەرکەوتن بو هەموو پەنابەرانی دونیا 

نەوروز وە بیرمان دێنێتەوە کە بوونی دونیاکی جیاواز بۆی هەیە ، نەورۆز هیمای یەک بوونەوەی ئەو کەسانەیە کە بو دونیایکی جیاواز و باشتر دەجەنگن 

***

Norouz marque le début de la nouvelle année en Iran, en Afghanistan et au Kurdistan et c’est un jour férié dans d’autres pays, comme le Tadjikistan, la Russie, le Kirghizstan, le Kazakhstan, la Syrie, l’Irak, la Géorgie, la République d’Azerbaïdjan, l’Albanie, la Chine, la Turquie, le Turkménistan, l’Inde, le Pakistan et l’Ouzbékistan, où la population le célèbre également.

Nous pensons que pendant Norouz, avec le début du printemps, lorsque la nature se renouvelle, nous devrions nous changer en feuille nouvelle et recommencer a porter sur les choses un regard nouveau.

Au début de cette nouvelle année et de ses festivités, les migrants de Lesvos vivent depuis plus de six mois dans des tentes sombres et étriquées, au bord de la mer, dans un environnement semblable à une prison avec le minimum vital et qu’ils ne peuvent quitter qu’une fois par semaine, et encore, seulement pour deux ou trois heures.

Je pense aux migrants qui, cette année, commencent la nouvelle année loin de chez eux, dans des conditions aussi difficiles dans le camp.

Je ne sais pas s’ils peuvent ressentir la joie de la nouvelle année et du Norouz et la célébrer entre eux ou non.

Je ne sais pas s’ils ont encore un peu d’espoir leur permettant de sourire et de se souhaiter une bonne année.

Je ne sais pas s’ils pourront un jour oublier ces souvenirs amers ou s’ils resteront toujours en eux comme un cauchemar…

Dans l’espoir que la nouvelle année sera un meilleur départ pour tous les migrants à travers le monde.

Norouz nous rappelle qu’un monde différent est possible. Solidarité ce Norouz à tous ceux qui luttent pour un monde nouveau.

***

عيد النيروز هو بداية العام الجديد في إيران وأفغانستان وكردستان وهو عطلة رسمية في بعض الدول الأخرى مثل طاجيكستان وروسيا وقيرغيزستان وكازاخستان وسوريا والعراق وجورجيا وجمهورية أذربيجان وألبانيا والصين وتركيا وتركمانستان والهند وباكستان وأوزبكستان ، حيث يحتفل به الناس أيضاً

نعتقد أنه في عيد النيروز ومع بداية الربيع ، عندما تجدد الطبيعة نفسها ، يجب أن نفتح صفحة جديدة ونبدأ من جديد بنظرة جديدة

في بداية العام الجديد والاحتفالات ، يعيش المهاجرون في ليسفوس الآن منذ أكثر من ستة أشهر في خيام مظلمة وضيقة  بجوار البحر ، في بيئة مثل السجن حيث لا يُسمح لهم بمغادرته أكثر من مرة في الأسبوع  وفقط لمدة ساعتين أو ثلاث ساعات لتأمين الحد الأدنى من ضروريات الحياة

نفكر في المهاجرين الذين بدأوا هذا العام ، العام الجديد بعيداً عن منازلهم في مثل هذه الظروف الصعبة في المخيم

.لا أعرف ما إذا كان بإمكانهم الشعور بفرحة العام الجديد والنيروز والاحتفال به بين بعضهم البعض أم لا

.لا أعرف ما إذا كان لا يزال لديهم بقايا أمل تسمح لهم بالابتسام والتمني سنة جديدة سعيدة لبعضهم البعض

…لا أعرف ما إذا كان بإمكانهم نسيان الذكريات المرة لهذه الأيام أم أنها ستبقى معهم دائماً كالكابوس

.نعيش على أمل أن يكون العام الجديد بداية أفضل لجميع المهاجرين في جميع أنحاء العالم

.يذكرنا النيروز أن عالم مختلف ممكن حدوثه في المستقبل

.تضامن هذا النيروز مع كل من يناضل من أجل عالم جديد

***

Cejna Newrozê, pîrozbahîya destpêkirina serê salê li Iranê, Afxanistanê û Kurdistanê ye. Wekî din jî Newroz li welatên din mina Tajîkistanê, Rûsê, Krgyzstanê, Kazakhstanê, Surîyê, Îraqê, Georgyayê, Komarê Azerbaijanê, Albanyayê, Çinê, Turkîyê, Turkmenistanê, Hindistanê, Pakistanê û Uzbekistanê cejnayekî fermî ye, ji ber ku li wan welatan jî milet vê cejna pîroz dikin.

Li gorî me, bi derketina Newrozê buharê destpekê dike û xweza xwe ji nû ve dike. Wê dema pewîst e ku em jî xwe ji nu ve dikin û bi perspektifekî nû, dest pê dikin.

Lêbelê di serê salê de û di navbera hemu pîrozbahîyan de, şeş heyv çebûnê ku koçberên li Lesvosê di bin konên tarî û teng û li ber derîyê de, jiyanê xwe didin meşandin. Çarcoveya wan wekî zindanek e, desturê wan tuneye ku ew her heftîyek ji carek zedetir ji vê kampê derbikevin, û wê dema jî ew dikarin tene ji bo 2 3 saetan û ji bona peydakirina pewistîyên herî kem a ji bona jiyanê xwe, derbikevin.

Ez li ser ew koçberan ên ku vê serê salê dur ji mal û milkê xwe û di şert û mercên gelekî zehmet de destpêdikin, difikirim.

Ez nizanim eger ew dikarin keyfxweşîya serê salê û Newrozê hest dikin, eger ew dikarin di nav xwe de Newrozê pîroz dikin, an na.

Ez nizanim eger tozekî hevî di dilên wan de hin mayê da ku ew bikarbin bikenin û ‘Newrozê te pîroz bê’ di navbera xwe de, bibejin.

Ez nizanim eger ew bikaribin bîranînên xwe yên tahl ên li ser wan rojan ji bîr bikin, yan eger ew bîranînan ê her tim cem wan wekî kabûsek biminin.

Bi hevîdarî ku vê serê salê wê ji bona hemu kocberên cihanê dibe destpêkirinekî baştirê. Newroz binê bîrê me ku cihanekî din, mumkin e. Di vê Newroz de, silav lê her kes ku ji bona cihanekî nû, berê xwe dide.

(English below)

ΠΡΟΣ:

Τον Πρωθυπουργό της Ελληνικής Δημοκρατίας, Κυριάκο Μητσοτάκη

Την Υπουργό Παιδείας και Θρησκευμάτων, Νίκη Κεραμέως

Τον Πρόεδρο του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου, David Sassoli

Την Πρόεδρο της Ευρωπαϊκής Επιτροπής, Ursula von der Leyen

Την ευρωπαία Επίτροπο για την Καινοτομία, την Έρευνα, τον Πολιτισμό, την Εκπαίδευση και τη Νεολαία, Mariya Gabriel

Τον ευρωπαίο Επίτροπο για τη Δικαιοσύνη και τους Καταναλωτές,  Didier Reynders

Αθήνα, 9 Μαρτίου 2021 – Οι υπογράφουσες οργανώσεις εκφράζουμε βαθιά ανησυχία για την κατάσταση που επικρατεί στην Ελλάδα τα τελευταία χρόνια σε σχέση με την πρόσβαση και τη συμπερίληψη παιδιών αιτούντων άσυλο και προσφύγων στην εκπαίδευση. Πιο συγκεκριμένα, εδώ και έξι χρόνια, δεν έχει καταστεί δυνατό να εξασφαλιστεί ομαλή και απρόσκοπτη πρόσβαση και συμπερίληψη των παιδιών αιτούντων άσυλο στην εκπαίδευση. Ως αποτέλεσμα,  σήμερα, τα παιδιά αυτά είναι στην συντριπτική τους πλειοψηφία αποκλεισμένα από ένα από τα βασικότερα δικαιώματά τους. Μάλιστα, τα προβλήματα αυτά το τελευταίο χρόνο έχουν ενταθεί σε τέτοιο σημείο ώστε να μπορούμε πλέον να κάνουμε λόγο  για ένα φαινόμενο εκτεταμένης «αποσχολειοποίησης».  

Πιο συγκεκριμένα:

Στα νησιά, όπου τα παιδιά διαμένουν σε Κέντρα Υποδοχής και Ταυτοποίησης, καθώς και στα Προαναχωρησιακά Κέντρα Κράτησης Αλλοδαπών, η πρόσβαση σε σχολεία της τοπικής κοινότητας είναι σχεδόν μηδενική^[1]. Παρατηρούνται σοβαρές καθυστερήσεις και προσκόμματα με αποτέλεσμα να σημειώνεται τεράστια απόκλιση μεταξύ αριθμού εγγεγραμμένων παιδιών και παιδιών που φοιτούν.

Ωστόσο, η κατάσταση δεν είναι ευνοϊκή ούτε για τα παιδιά που διαμένουν σε δομές ανοιχτής φιλοξενίας στην ενδοχώρα. Τα προβλήματα που παρατηρούνται, αφορούν, κατά τόπους,  σε ανόμοια ερμηνεία, εκ μέρους των ελληνικών αρχών, των πολιτικών περιορισμού της διασποράς του COVID-19, με αποτέλεσμα να επιβάλλεται απαγόρευση εξόδου από τις δομές φιλοξενίας στα παιδιά με τρόπο μεροληπτικό. Συγχρόνως, σε  περιόδους καραντίνας η ελλιπής υποστήριξη αυτών των παιδιών για την εξ αποστάσεως εκπαίδευση -εφόσον στις δομές όπου διαμένουν στερούνται την απαραίτητη υλικοτεχνική υποδομή- οδηγεί σε επιπλέον αποκλεισμό τους από την εκπαιδευτική διαδικασία. Επιπλέον, σε αρκετά σημεία της χώρας παρατηρούνται και άλλα προβλήματα, όπως για παράδειγμα, αδυναμία μεταφοράς των παιδιών στις σχολικές μονάδες τους, υποστελέχωση και δυσλειτουργία των τάξεων υποδοχής, ανεπαρκής αριθμός θέσεων σε σχολεία και νηπιαγωγεία, προβλήματα και αυθαιρεσίες των διοικητικών αρχών των σχολείων αλλά και των τοπικών κοινοτήτων που αντιδρούν στην προοπτική συμμετοχής των παιδιών στην υποχρεωτική σχολική εκπαίδευση. Σε αυτά πρέπει να προστεθεί η ανησυχητική απουσία οποιασδήποτε μέριμνας από τις αρχές αναφορικά με τη συμπερίληψη αυτών των παιδιών στην εκπαιδευτική διαδικασία.

Αρκετοί από τους συνυπογράφοντες παρουσιάσαμε τα παραπάνω προβλήματα στα αρμόδια υπουργεία, με κλειστή επιστολή, στις 3/2/2021. Στη βάση αυτής της επιστολής οι συνυπογράφουσες οργανώσεις προσκλήθηκαν σε διαδικτυακή συνάντηση από τη Διοίκηση την Παρασκευή 26/2/2021. Αναγνωρίζουμε την προθυμία των  θεσμικών οργάνων να εγκαινιάσουν μια διαδικασία διαλόγου με φορείς της κοινωνίας των πολιτών για το επιτακτικό θέμα της εκπαίδευσης των παιδιών προσφύγων και το γεγονός ότι η Πολιτεία καλωσορίζει αυτή την ενέργεια. Ωστόσο, η παρούσα κατάσταση, με τις πολύ σοβαρές ελλείψεις και παραλείψεις που σημειώνονται, απαιτεί την άμεση ανάληψη δράσης από πλευράς των αρχών για να μη χαθεί ούτε μια μέρα πια στο σχολείο. 

Σύμφωνα με την ελληνική και ευρωπαϊκή νομοθεσία^[2], η παιδεία παρέχεται δωρεάν και είναι υποχρεωτική για παιδιά ηλικίας 4 έως 15 ετών, συμπεριλαμβανομένης αυτής για τα παιδιά που αιτούνται άσυλο. Η Διεθνής Σύμβαση για τα Δικαιώματα του Παιδιού, που αποτελεί και νόμο (Ν. 2101/92) του Ελληνικού Κράτους, σύμφωνα με τα άρθρα 28 και 29, εγγυάται ότι όλα τα παιδιά, χωρίς καμία εξαίρεση, έχουν το ίδιο δικαίωμα στην πρωτοβάθμια και δευτεροβάθμια εκπαίδευση. 

Η φοίτηση σε σχολείο είναι απαραίτητη για αυτά τα παιδιά όχι μόνο επειδή είναι, πρώτα και κύρια, δικαίωμά τους, αλλά επίσης λόγω της αβεβαιότητας και του άγχους που επιφέρει στα παιδιά και στις οικογένειές τους η πανδημία COVID-19, και για το γεγονός ότι τα περισσότερα έχουν χάσει πολύτιμο χρόνο από την εκπαίδευσή τους λόγω συγκρούσεων και άλλων δυσμενών συνθηκών στις χώρες προέλευσης ή διέλευσής τους κατά το -συχνά επίπονο- μεταναστευτικό τους ταξίδι. Η πρόσβαση στο σχολείο είναι καθοριστικός παράγοντας για να εξασφαλιστεί μια οργανωμένη καθημερινότητα και ένα ασφαλές περιβάλλον για μάθηση και ανάπτυξη, στοιχεία  ζωτικής σημασίας για την ψυχική υγεία και ανάπτυξή προσωπικότητας τους^[3] αλλά και για την εύρυθμη λειτουργία ολόκληρης της κοινωνίας μας.

Για όλα τα παραπάνω, καλούμε την ελληνική κυβέρνηση να προβεί σε άμεσες ενέργειες ώστε να εξασφαλιστεί ισότιμη, ουσιαστική και ποιοτική εκπαίδευση για τα παιδιά όλων των ηλικιών και εθνικοτήτων, είτε διαμένουν στα νησιά είτε στην ενδοχώρα. Πιο συγκεκριμένα, καλούμε τις Ελληνικές αρχές να διασφαλίσουν ότι:

• Οι αποφάσεις που λαμβάνουν για την πρόσβαση των παιδιών στην εκπαίδευση, είναι σαφείς κι ότι πράγματι εφαρμόζονται, με παράλληλη άρση των όποιων εμποδίων παρουσιάζονται και με εναρμονισμένες πρακτικές  ώστε να μην καθίστανται κενό γράμμα.
• Η πρόσβαση των παιδιών στην εκπαίδευση δεν θα διακόπτεται σε κανένα στάδιο της διαμονής τους στη χώρα, ανεξαρτήτως του καθεστώτος διαμονής των ίδιων ή των γονέων ή κηδεμόνων τους. Σε αυτή την κατεύθυνση, προτείνουμε την εξέταση της  έκδοσης κάρτας φοίτησης μετακινούμενου μαθητή.
• Θα  εγκαταλειφθεί οποιαδήποτε πολιτική τυπικής εκπαίδευσης που θα παρέχεται μέσα σε κλειστές ή ελεγχόμενες δομές φιλοξενίας, καθώς η δημιουργία «σχολείων γκέτο» απέχει ουσιαστικά από την έννοια της «ποιοτικής εκπαίδευσης» και συνιστά παραβίαση της νομοθεσίας^[4] 
• Θα εδραιωθούν μηχανισμοί παρακολούθησης της κατάστασης στην εκπαίδευση των προσφύγων και άμεσης ανταπόκρισης  στα όποια προβλήματα παρουσιάζονται, σε βάθος χρόνου, με στόχο την διασφάλιση ισότητας ευκαιριών στην εκπαίδευση για όλους τους μαθητές και την καταπολέμηση της σχολικής διαρροής.
• Θα πραγματοποιηθούν εκτεταμένες και μετρήσιμες δράσεις ευαισθητοποίησης των σχολικών και των τοπικών κοινοτήτων υπενθυμίζοντας την υποχρέωση όλων να συμπεριλαμβάνουν τα παιδιά τρίτων χωρών στο σχολείο αλλά και τα αμοιβαία οφέλη από την καλλιέργεια μιας πολυπολιτισμικής κοινωνίας. 
• Θα ληφθεί μέριμνα ούτως ώστε οι Προϊστάμενοι και οι Δ/ντές των Σχολικών Μονάδων όχι μόνο θα ενθαρρύνουν την προσέλευση των μαθητών προσφύγων στο σχολείο, αλλά και θα αναζητούν τα παιδιά αυτά που μένουν στην περιοχή τους και θα φροντίζουν για την εγγραφή και τη φοίτησή τους, όπως προβλέπουν οι σχετικές διατάξεις για την υποχρεωτική φοίτηση, και δεν θα παρακωλύουν επ’ ουδενί την εγγραφή και φοίτησή τους.

Καλούμε, επίσης, τους Ευρωπαίους ηγέτες να εξασφαλίσουν την εφαρμογή του  Ευρωπαϊκού δικαίου σύμφωνα με το Χάρτη Θεμελιωδών Δικαιωμάτων της ΕΕ και τη Διεθνή Σύμβαση των Δικαιωμάτων του Παιδιού, από τα οποία και η χώρα μας δεσμεύεται, καθώς και ότι καμία παραβίαση του δικαίου της ΕΕ δε θα γίνεται ανεκτή, ιδιαίτερα σε περιπτώσεις που θέτει σε κίνδυνο ομάδες όπως τα παιδιά. 

Η άμεση και ουσιαστική πρόσβαση των παιδιών στην εκπαίδευση είναι ζωτική για το μέλλον όλων μας.

ΟΙ ΥΠΟΓΡΑΦΟΥΣΕΣ ΟΡΓΑΝΩΣΕΙΣ

AΛΛΗΛΕΓΓΥΗ ΛΕΣΒΟΥ

ΑΡΣΙΣ – ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΚΗ ΟΡΓΑΝΩΣΗ ΥΠΟΣΤΗΡΙΞΗΣ ΝΕΩΝ

ACTION FOR EDUCATION

ACTIONAID HELLAS

CHANGEMAKERS LAB CHOOSE LOVE – HELP REFUGEES

ΔΙΚΤΥΟ ΓΙΑ ΤΑ ΔΙΚΑΙΩΜΑΤΑ ΤΟΥ ΠΑΙΔΙΟΥ

ΔΙΚΤΥΟ ΜΕΛΙΣΣΑ

ΔΑΝΙΚΟ ΣΥΜΒΟΥΛΙΟ ΓΙΑ ΤΟΥΣ ΠΡΟΣΦΥΓΕΣ

ΕΛΙΞ

ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΟ ΣΥΜΒΟΥΛΙΟ ΓΙΑ ΤΟΥΣ ΠΡΟΣΦΥΓΕΣ

ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΟ ΦΟΡΟΥΜ ΜΕΤΑΝΑΣΤΩΝ (ΕΦΜ)

ECHO100PLUS

EQUAL RIGHTS BEYOND BORDERS

EUROPE MUST ACT

ΖΕΥΞΙΣ

HUMANRIGHTS360 INTERNATIONAL RESCUE COMMITTEE (IRC)

INTERSOS HELLAS

ΚΑΡΙΤΑΣ ΕΛΛΑΣ

ΚΕΝΤΡΟ ΓΥΝΑΙΚΩΝ ΙΡΙΔΑ

ΚΕΝΤΡΟ ΗΜΕΡΑΣ ΒΑΒΕΛ

LEGAL CENTRE LESVOS

ΜΕΤΑΔΡΑΣΗ  ΔΡΑΣΗ ΓΙΑ ΤΗ ΜΕΤΑΝΑΣΤΕΥΣΗ ΚΑΙ ΤΗΝ ΑΝΑΠΤΥΞΗ

ODYSSEA

REFUGEE LEGAL SUPPORT (RLS)

REFUGEE RIGHTS EUROPE (RRE)

REFUGEES INTERNATIONAL

ΣΥΛΛΟΓΟΣ ΟΡΟΘΕΤΙΚΩΝ ΕΛΛΑΔΟΣ “ΘΕΤΙΚΗ ΦΩΝΗ”

SOLIDARITYNOW

STILL I RISE

ΤERRE DES HOMMES HELLAS

ΥΠΟΣΤΗΡΙΞΗ ΠΡΟΣΦΥΓΩΝ ΣΤΟ ΑΙΓΑΙΟ (RSA)

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^[1] Σύμφωνα με ενημέρωση της Βοηθού Συνηγόρου για τα Δικαιώματα του Παιδιού σε συνάντηση του Δικτύου για τα Παιδιά που Μετακινούνται, 13/02/21, βασισμένη σε έρευνα της εν λόγω Ανεξάρτητης Αρχής.

^[2] Ενδεικτικά : Το άρθρο 14 του Χάρτη των Θεμελιωδών Δικαιωμάτων της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης (ΧΔΘ), σχετικά με το Δικαίωμα στην Εκπαίδευση, το άρθρο 14 της Οδηγίας 2013/33/ΕΕ και το άρθρο 27 της Οδηγίας 2011/95/ΕΕ για την αναγνώριση. Στην ελληνική νομοθεσία τα άρθρα 28 και 51 του Ν. 4636/2019 προβλέπουν την εκπαίδευση των παιδιών αιτούντων και δικαιούχων διεθνούς προστασίας και την πρόσβαση σε αυτή και το άρθρο 60 περ. η΄ του Ν. 4636/2019 προβλέπει την πρόσβαση των ασυνόδευτων παιδιών στην εκπαίδευση. Περαιτέρω, το άρθρο 21 παρ. 7 και 8 του Ν. 4251/2014 και το άρθρο 40 του Ν. 2910/2001 προβλέπουν την απρόσκοπτη πρόσβαση των παιδιών τρίτων χωρών στην εκπαίδευση. Για την απαγόρευση των διακρίσεων το άρθρο 21 του ΧΔΘ και το άρθρο 14 της ΕΣΔΑ σε συνδυασμό από το άρθρο 2 του Πρωτοκόλλου 1 της ΕΣΔΑ και από την ελληνική νομοθεσία το άρθρο 3 παρ. 2 περ. γ΄του Ν. 4443/2016.

^[3]  https://ec.europa.eu/echo/what/humanitarian-aid/education-emergencies_en

^[4] Ν. 2101/1992 και 4251/2014  και  Υπόθεση Α. Λαβίδα κ.λπ. κατά Ελλάδος: https://docs.google.com/viewerng/viewer?url=http://www.curia.gr/wp-content/uploads/2013/05/AFFAIRE-LAVIDA-ET-AUTRES-c.-GRECE.pdf 

*******************************************************************

TO:

The Prime Minister of the Hellenic Republic, Kyriakos Mitsotakis

The Minister of Education and Religious Affairs of the Hellenic Republic, Niki Kerameus

The President of the European Parliament, David Sassoli

The President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen

The European Commissioner for Innovation, Research, Culture, Education and Youth, Mariya Gabriel

The European Commissioner for Justice and Consumers, Didier Reynders

Athens, March 9, 2021 – The undersigned organisations express deep concern about the situation relating to asylum seeking and refugee children’s access to education in Greece over the past few years. Specifically, for the past six years it has not been possible to guarantee smooth and unimpeded access to education for asylum seeking children. As a result, the majority of these children have been deprived of one of their fundamental rights. These issues have become so intense over the last year that one can in fact refer to an extensive process of “deschooling”. 

In particular:

On the islands where children stay in Reception and Identification Centres as well as in Pre-removal Detention Centres for Foreigners, access to schools in the local community is almost non-existent^[1]. Moreover, serious delays and obstacles have been observed, resulting in a huge gap between the number of enrolled children and the children that actually attend school.

Nevertheless, the situation is equally worrying in the refugee camps on the mainland. Ιn some places the issues observed have to do with inconsistent interpretation of COVID-19 related movement restriction policies by the Greek authorities, which ends up discriminating against children who, as a result, are not being allowed to leave these camps. At the same time, during the lockdowns, due to the lack of necessary technical infrastructure for online learning at the camps, refugee and asylum seeking children are further excluded from the education process. Μoreover, other issues have been observed in quite a few locations nationwide. These include the lack of transportation to schools; understaffing and malfunctioning of reception classes; an insufficient number of spots available at schools and kindergartens; problems resulting from unjustified behaviour by school administrations–but also by local communities– who are reacting against the prospect of refugee children attending public schools. All these issues are compounded by the worrying absence of any concern by authorities to include these children in the educational process.

Several of the undersigned organisations presented the above-mentioned issues to the competent ministries, via a private letter, on 3/2/2021. In response to this letter, co-signing organisations were invited to an online meeting with the relevant authorities on 26/2/2021. We acknowledge and welcome the willingness of the authorities to launch a dialogue process with civil society regarding the pressing issue of refugee education. Still, the current situation, with its critical shortcomings, requires that immediate action is taken by the authorities so that not one more school day is missed.

Αccording to Greek and European law^[2], education is provided free of charge and is compulsory for children aged 4 to 15, including education intended for asylum seeking children. Articles 28 and 29 of the International Convention on the Rights of the Child, which has been transposed into national law by the Hellenic Republic (Law 2101/1992), foresee that all children, without any exceptions, have equal rights to primary and secondary education. 

It is vital that these children attend school because it is their right, first and foremost. However, continuing education is also an essential element to counteract some of the uncertainty and stress the COVID-19 pandemic has meant for children and their families. Added to this most children have already missed precious time out of their education as a result of conflict, insecurity or other conditions in their country of origin or countries of transit during their often-arduous journeys to reach Greece. School access is a decisive factor in guaranteeing an organised daily routine and a safe environment in which to learn and grow; factors of vital importance for the mental health and personality development^[3] of children but also for the smooth operation of society as a whole.

For all the reasons outlined above, we call upon the Greek government to take immediate action to guarantee equal, substantive, and quality education to children of all ages and nationalities residing both on the islands and on the mainland. More specifically, we call upon the Greek authorities to guarantee that:

• The decisions taken regarding children’s access to education are clear and implemented, removing any obstacles that may arise and applying harmonised practices to prevent them from becoming empty words.
• Children have unobstructed access to education during their stay in the country, irrespective of the conditions under which they live, of their residence status or that of their parents or guardians. To that end, we propose that the option of issuing an attendance card for pupils on the move be considered.
• Any policy of formal education being provided within closed-type or controlled hosting facilities is abandoned, as the creation of “ghetto schools” is essentially far removed from the idea of quality education and constitutes a violation of the law^[4]. 
• Mechanisms to monitor the situation in the field of refugee education are established and any problems are immediately tackled, doing so over a long horizon to guarantee equal educational opportunities for all pupils and to combat school dropout.
• Extensive and measurable awareness-raising actions are implemented for schools and local communities to ensure everyone is aware of the right of all children to attend school but also the mutual benefits arising from cultivating a multicultural society.
• Administrators and headmasters of schools do not only encourage school refugee pupils to attend school but also seek out the children residing in their area and see to their enrolment and attendance as foreseen by the relevant provisions on compulsory attendance, and do not in any way thwart the children’s enrolment and attendance.

We also call upon European leaders to ensure the implementation of European law in accordance with the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union and the International Convention on the Rights of the Child, by which our country is also bound, and that no violation of EU law be tolerated especially if such violations put groups of people, such as children, at risk. 

Children’s fundamental access to education is vital for the future of us all.

ΤΗΕ SIGNATORY ORGANIZATIONS:

ACTION FOR EDUCATION

ACTIONAID HELLAS

ARSIS – ASSOCIATION FOR THE SOCIAL SUPPORT OF YOUTH

BABEL DAY CENTER

CARITAS HELLAS CHANGEMAKERS LAB CHOOSE LOVE – HELP REFUGEES DANISH REFUGEE COUNCIL

ECHO100PLUS

ELIX

EQUAL RIGHTS BEYOND BORDERS

EUROPE MUST ACT

GREEK ASSOCIATION OF PEOPLE LIVING WITH HIV “POSITIVE VOICE”

GREEK COUNCIL FOR REFUGEES

GREEK FORUM OF MIGRANTS (GFM)

HUMANRIGHTS360 INTERNATIONAL RESCUE COMMITTEE (IRC)

INTERSOS HELLAS

IRIDA WOMEN’S CENTER

LEGAL CENTRE LESVOS

LESVOS SOLIDARITY

MELISSA NETWORK

METADRASI ACTION FOR MIGRATION AND DEVELOPMENT

NETWORK FOR CHILDREN’S RIGHTS

ODYSSEA

REFUGEE LEGAL SUPPORT (RLS)

REFUGEE RIGHTS EUROPE (RRE)

REFUGEE SUPPORT AEGEAN (RSA)

REFUGEES INTERNATIONAL

SOLIDARITYNOW

STILL I RISE

TERRE DES HOMMES HELLAS

ZEUXIS

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^[1] According to the information provided by the Assistant Ombudsman for the Rights of the Child at a meeting of the Network for the Rights of Children on the Move, on 13/02/2021, based on a survey carried out by that Independent Authority.

^[2] Including but not limited to: Article 14 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union concerning the right to education, Article 14 of Directive 2013/33 / EU and Article 27 of Directive 2011/95 / EU on recognition. In Greek law, Articles 28 and 51 of Law 4636/2019 foresee the education and access to education of minor asylum seekers and beneficiaries of international protection and Article 60(h) of Law 4636/2019 foresees the access of unaccompanied minors to education. Furthermore, Article 21(7) and (8) of Law 4251/2014 and Article 40 of Law 2910/2001 foresee unimpeded access of third country minors to education. On the banning of discrimination see Article 21 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights and Article 14 of the European Convention on Human Rights read in conjunction with Article 2 of Protocol 1 of the ECHR, and in Greek law see Article 3(2)(c)  Law 4443/2016.

^[3] https://ec.europa.eu/echo/what/humanitarian-aid/education-emergencies_en

^[4] Law 2101/1992 and 4251/2014 and the case A. Lavida and Others v. Greece: https://docs.google.com/viewerng/viewer?url=http://www.curia.gr/wp-content/uploads/2013/05/AFFAIRE-LAVIDA-ET-AUTRES-c.-GRECE.pdf

Δικαιοσύνη στους 6 φυλακισμένους για τη φωτιά στη Μόρια

Today, following a six hour trial before the three member Juvenile Court of Mytilene, two of the Moria 6 defendants, A.A. and M.H. were found guilty of arson, related to the fires that destroyed Moria refugee camp in September 2020, and sentenced to five years in prison – which they will likely spend in Avlona prison for minors and young adults. 

The two were unaccompanied minors when they arrived in Greece, and were 17 at the time of the arrest, although they recently turned 18. Along with four other young men, who remain detained and await trial, they had been accused of arson with risk to human life and membership of a criminal group, but the two tried today were found not guilty of the latter criminal charge. 

At the start of today’s trial, the prosecutor requested an intermission of 10 minutes to deliberate whether or not he would permit lawyers from the Legal Centre to represent the defendants or whether they would be represented by state provided lawyers, despite the fact that is an undeniable right of defendants to be represented by the lawyer of their choosing. While Legal Centre lawyers were allowed to proceed with representation of A.A. and M.H., the implication that two young migrants do not have the agency to choose their own legal representation is indicative of the dehumanising treatment of migrants within the Greek justice system. 

The trial commenced with the testimony of 17 witnesses against the defendants. Most testified only to personal property and income they had lost as a result of the fire. Only two witnesses, both police officers – who had time and opportunity to compare testimony outside the courtroom – testified that they identified one of the two defendants based on video evidence that shows only two individuals with matching clothes from behind. The first testified that the defendant was “tiny and short”, however, when the defendant he had just ‘identified’ stood up at the request of one judge, the defendant was taller than the police officer by half a head. 

The only prosecution witness who identified or provided individualised evidence against the second defendant did not appear in court today.  Nevertheless, the prosecution was permitted to read out his written declaration during the trial, despite the defendant’s lawyers’ objection that this violated the defendant’s right to cross examine any witness against him, a fundamental right of criminal defendants confirmed by the European Court of Human Rights. The credibility of this witness has already been questioned publicly. The objection was overruled based on a claim by the prosecutor that the attempt to locate the witness was unsuccessful. Asylum seekers, however, are required to update their addresses with authorities, as are all foreign nationals living in Greece. If he could not be easily located, this fact itself should have discredited his former declaration.

The defence, on the other hand, were only permitted to call one witness per defendant, despite having more than ten people from the Hazara community (which all of the Moria 6 belong to) present at the court this morning and willing to testify in their defence. While, technically, the state is only obliged to allow one witness per defendant, it is clear that the law is used against migrants when convenient, and ignored when it is not. It appeared that the court was determined to finish the trial today in order to avoid the imminently approaching six month maximum time the defendants – who were arrested as minors – could lawfully remain incarcerated in pre-trial detention.

Furthermore, during the trial, which was closed to the public to protect the identity of the young men who had been arrested as minors, at least 5-7 police officers were present in the courtroom at all times – an exaggerated and unnecessary number of people required to secure the court, and in violation of the minors’ right to privacy. Meanwhile, ‘protecting’ the defendants through closed proceedings supposedly justified disproportionate police presence outside the court and the arbitrary issuance of fines, which obstructed attempts to monitor the trial, to be present outside the court in solidarity with the defendants and to protest the proceedings.

Despite the lack of credible evidence presented against them, both were convicted and sentenced to 5 years in prison including time served, which has been appealed by Legal Centre Lesvos lawyers. Unless their sentence is overturned or reduced on appeal, in practice this sentence will mean 2 further years in prison for these two young men, as they will be eligible for release after serving half the sentence. 

The trial of these two members of the Moria 6 constitutes a gross miscarriage of justice. The tragic result of today’s trial appears to form part of a systematic effort to crush any resistance to Europe’s border regime through collective punishment, by arbitrarily arresting and pressing criminal charges against migrants following migrant-led resistance, such as in the case of the Moria 35. In January 2021, the 32 of the Moria 35 who had been convicted in 2018 were finally cleared of all charges, which only confirms that the ordeal they faced, for more than 3.5 years of their lives, was a gross miscarriage of justice from the outset – as Legal Centre Lesvos and the solidarity movement around the case had protested all along. As in previous cases, it is apparent that the guilt of today’s defendants was determined by the State before the trial even took place. The Minister of Migration and Asylum himself stated in an interview given on 16 September 2020 that “the camp was burned by six Afghani refugees who have been arrested” – in circumvention of the fundamental principle of criminal law that all defendants have a presumption of innocence until proven guilty. 

While we are disappointed with today’s result, things could have been much worse for these two young men. The arson conviction alone could have carried a sentence of up to ten years in prison. If convicted on both charges, they would have faced up to a 15 year prison sentence. The Legal Centre Lesvos will continue to defend the two young men, to fight for their release from incarceration and to work towards their conviction being overturned on appeal. Alongside other comrades in Lesvos and internationally, including powerful solidarity among the Hazara community demonstrated today outside court, we will continue to fight for justice for the Moria 6 and to stand in solidarity with all those who face the unjust collective punishment of Europe’s border regime.

__________________________

Δικαιοσύνη στους 6 φυλακισμένους για τη φωτιά στη Μόρια

Σήμερα, μετά από μια δίκη διάρκειας έξι ωρών ενώπιον του τριμελούς δικαστηρίου ανηλίκων της Μυτιλήνης, δύο από τους 6 κατηγορούμενους για τις φωτιές στη Μόρια, οιAA και MH κηρύχθηκαν ένοχοι εμπρησμού, σχετιζόμενου με τις πυρκαγιές που κατέστρεψαν το ΚΥΤ της Μόριας τον Σεπτέμβριο του 2020 και καταδικάστηκαν σε πέντε χρόνια φυλάκισης- ποινή την οποία πιθανότατα θα εκτίσουν στις φυλακές ανηλίκων και νεαρών ενηλίκων Αυλώνας.

Οι δύο νεαροί ήταν ασυνόδευτοι ανήλικοι όταν έφτασαν στην Ελλάδα και ήταν 17 ετών κατά τη στιγμή της σύλληψης, αν και πρόσφατα έγιναν 18 ετών. Μαζί με τέσσερις άλλους νεαρούς, που παραμένουν υπό κράτηση και περιμένουν δίκη, είχαν κατηγορηθεί για εμπρησμό με κίνδυνο για ανθρώπινη ζωή και συμμετοχή σε εγκληματική ομάδα. Οι δύο που δικάστηκαν σήμερα κρίθηκαν αθώοι για την τελευταία ποινική κατηγορία.

Στην αρχή της σημερινής δίκης, ο εισαγγελέας ζήτησε διάλειμμα 10 λεπτών για να σκεφτεί εάν θα επέτρεπε στους δικηγόρους του Legal Centre Lesvos να εκπροσωπήσουν τους κατηγορούμενους ή εάν οι κατηγορούμενοι θα εκπροσωπούνταν από τους διορισμένους δικηγόρους, παρά το γεγονός ότι είναι αδιαμφισβήτητο δικαίωμα των κατηγορουμένων να εκπροσωπούνται από τον δικηγόρο της επιλογής τους. Αν και τελικά οι δικηγόροι του Legal Centre Lesvos είχαν τη δυνατότητα να εκπροσωπήσουν των ΑΑ και ΜΗ, και μόνο η υπόνοια ότι η δυνατότητα των μεταναστών να επιλέξουν τους νομικούς εκπροσώπους τους τέθηκε υπό αμφισβήτηση, είναι ενδεικτική της απάνθρωπης μεταχείρισης των μεταναστών στο ελληνικό δικαστικό σύστημα.

Η δίκη ξεκίνησε με 17 μάρτυρες να καταθέτουν εναντίον των κατηγορουμένων. Η συντριπτική πλειοψηφία των μαρτύρων κατέθεσε αποκλειστικά και μόνο για τις προσωπικές ζημίες που υπέστησαν εξαιτίας της φωτιάς. Μόνο δύο μάρτυρες, αστυνομικοί και οι δύο – στους οποίους δόθηκε η δυνατότητα και ο χρόνος να συζητήσουν τις καταθέσεις τους έξω από την αίθουσα του δικαστηρίου – κατέθεσαν ότι αναγνώρισαν τον ένα κατηγορούμενο, βάση ενός βίντεο που απλά δείχνει δύο άτομα που στέκονται με την πλάτη γυρισμένη στην κάμερα και φοράνε ρούχα που μοιάζουν μα αυτά των κατηγορουμένων. Ο πρώτος εκ των αστυνομικών κατέθεσε ότι ο κατηγορούμενος ήταν «μικροσκοπικός και κοντός», ωστόσο όταν ο κατηγορούμενος που μόλις είχε «αναγνωρίσει» σηκώθηκε όρθιος μετά από αίτημα ενός δικαστή, αποδείχθηκε ότι ήταν ψηλότερος από τον αστυνομικό κατά μισό κεφάλι.

Ο μόνος μάρτυρας κατηγορίας που κατονόμασε το δεύτερο κατηγορούμενο, δεν εμφανίστηκε σήμερα στο δικαστήριο. Παρ ‘όλα αυτά, η εισαγγελία αποφάσισε να διαβάσει τη γραπτή κατάθεσή του κατά τη διάρκεια της δίκης, παρά την αντίρρηση των δικηγόρων του κατηγορούμενου που επισήμαναν ότι αυτό παραβιάζει το δικαίωμά τους να εξετάσουν κάθε μάρτυρα κατηγορίας, ένα θεμελιώδες δικαίωμα των κατηγορουμένων που επιβεβαιώθηκε από το Ευρωπαϊκό Δικαστήριο Ανθρωπίνων Δικαιωμάτων. Η αξιοπιστία αυτού του μάρτυρα έχει ήδη αμφισβητηθεί δημοσίως. Η ένσταση απορρίφθηκε με βάση τον ισχυρισμό του εισαγγελέα ότι η απόπειρα εντοπισμού του μάρτυρα ήταν ανεπιτυχής. Φυσικά οι αιτούντες άσυλο υποχρεούνται να ενημερώσουν τις αρχές για τη διεύθυνση διαμονής τους, όπως και όλοι οι αλλοδαποί που ζουν στην Ελλάδα. Το ότι ο εν λόγω μάρτυρας δεν κατέστη δυνατό να εντοπιστεί, θα έπρεπε να αποτελέσει από μόνο του απόδειξη της μειωμένης αξιοπιστίας του μάρτυρα, συνεπώς και της μαρτυρίας του της ίδιας.

Η υπεράσπιση, από την άλλη πλευρά, είχε τη δυνατότητα να καλέσει έναν μάρτυρα ανά κατηγορούμενο, παρά το γεγονός ότι υπήρχαν περισσότερα από δέκα άτομα από την κοινότητα των Χαζάρα (στην οποία ανήκουν και οι 6 κατηγορούμενοι ) στο δικαστήριο σήμερα το πρωί και ήταν πρόθυμοι να καταθέσουν προς υπεράσπισή τους. Ενώ, τεχνικά, επιτρέπεται ένας μάρτυρας ανά κατηγορούμενο, είναι σαφές ότι ο νόμος χρησιμοποιείται κατά των μεταναστών όταν είναι βολικός και αγνοείται όταν δεν είναι. Φαίνεται ότι το δικαστήριο ήταν αποφασισμένο να ολοκληρώσει τη δίκη σήμερα προκειμένου να αποφύγει την επικείμενη πάροδο των έξι μηνών προφυλάκισης, καθώς οι κατηγορούμενοι – οι οποίοι συνελήφθησαν ως ανήλικοι – δε θα μπορούσαν νόμιμα να παραμείνουν σε κράτηση μετά τις 15/03/2021.

Επιπλέον, κατά τη διάρκεια της δίκης, η οποία ήταν κλειστή στο κοινό για να προστατεύσει την ταυτότητα των νέων που είχαν συλληφθεί ως ανήλικοι, τουλάχιστον 5-7 αστυνομικοί ήταν παρόντες, για την ασφάλεια του δικαστηρίου, στην αίθουσα ανά πάσα στιγμή – ένας υπερβολικός και περιττός αριθμός- και κατά παράβαση του δικαιώματος των ανηλίκων στην ιδιωτικότητα. Η «προστασία» των κατηγορουμένων μέσω κλειστών διαδικασιών χρησιμοποιήθηκε ως δικαιολογία για την υπερβολική και σαφώς δυσανάλογη παρουσία της αστυνομίας έξω από το δικαστήριο, όπως και για την αυθαίρετη έκδοση προστίμων, τα οποία δυσχέραναν τόσο τη δυνατότητα βιντεοσκόπησης της δίκης, όσο και την ίδια την παρουσία ατόμων που επιθυμούσαν να εκφράσουν την αλληλεγγύη τους στους κατηγορούμενους και να διασφαλίσουν τις νόμιμες νομικές διαδικασίες.

Παρά την έλλειψη αξιόπιστων αποδεικτικών στοιχείων εναντίον τους, καταδικάστηκαν σε ποινή φυλάκισης 5 ετών, συμπεριλαμβανομένου του χρόνου που είναι ήδη προφυλακισμένοι, απόφαση εναντίον της οποίας έχει ασκηθεί έφεση από τους δικηγόρους του Legal Centre Lesvos. Παρεκτός και εάν η ποινή τους ακυρωθεί ή μειωθεί στο Εφετείο, στην πράξη αυτή η ποινή θα συνεπάγεται φυλάκιση 2 ακόμη ετών για αυτούς τους δύο νεαρούς άνδρες, καθώς θα έχουν τη δυνατότητα αποφυλάκισης μετά την έκτιση του ½ της ποινής τους.

Η δίκη των πρώτων δύο νεαρών από τους συνολικά 6 κατηγορούμενους αποτελεί μια βαριά προσβολή της δικαιοσύνης. Το τραγικό αποτέλεσμα της σημερινής δίκης φαίνεται να αποτελεί μέρος μιας συστηματικής προσπάθειας να συντριβεί οποιαδήποτε αντίσταση στο σύνορο της Ευρώπης μέσω συλλογικής τιμωρίας, συλλαμβάνοντας αυθαίρετα και ασκώντας ποινικές διώξεις εναντίον μεταναστών μετά από πράξεις αντίστασης, όπως στην περίπτωση των 35 κατηγορούμενων για προγενέστερα γεγονότα που συνέβησαν στο ΚΥΤ της Μόριας. Τον Ιανουάριο του 2021, οι 32 από τους 35 κατηγορούμενους, που αρχικά είχαν καταδικαστεί το 2018, απαλλάχθηκαν τελικά από όλες τις κατηγορίες, κάτι που ξεκάθαρα επιβεβαιώνει ότι το μαρτύριο που αντιμετώπισαν, για περισσότερα από 3,5 χρόνια της ζωής τους, ήταν εξαρχής μια κραυγαλέα περίπτωση δικαστικής πλάνης – γεγονός το οποίο το Legal Centre Lesvos και το κίνημα αλληλεγγύης είχαν διαμαρτυρηθεί καταδείξει από την πρώτη στιγμή. Όπως και σε προηγούμενες υποθέσεις, είναι προφανές ότι η ενοχή των σημερινών κατηγορουμένων είχε αποφασιστεί από το κράτος πριν καν ξεκινήσει η δίκη. Ο ίδιος ο Υπουργός Μετανάστευσης και Ασύλου δήλωσε σε συνέντευξή του στις 16 Σεπτεμβρίου 2020 ότι «το στρατόπεδο κάηκε από έξι Αφγανούς πρόσφυγες που συνελήφθησαν» – κατά καταστρατήγηση της θεμελιώδους αρχής του ποινικού δικαίου ότι όλοι οι κατηγορούμενοι διαθέτουν το τεκμήριο της αθωότητας μέχρι να αποδειχθούν ένοχοι.

(English below)

Μυτιλήνη 9 Μαρτίου 2021 – η 27χρονη πρόσφυγας από το Αφγανιστάν που προσπάθησε να αυτοπυρποληθεί στις 21 Φεβρουαρίου 2021, αφέθηκε ελεύθερη με τον περιοριστικό όρο να μην εγκαταλείψει τη χώρα μέχρι την οριστική εκδίκαση της σε βάρος της κατηγορίας.

Στις 21 Φεβρουαρίου, η Μ.Μ. αποπειράθηκε να θέσει τέλος στη ζωή της εντός του Κέντρου Υποδοχής και Ταυτοποίησης του Καρά Τεπέ. Ως αποτέλεσμα, η πρόσφυγας υπέστη πολλαπλά εγκαύματα στο κεφάλι, την πλάτη, τα χέρια και τα πόδια και έχασε τις αισθήσεις της μετά από εισπνοή καπνού. Η Μ.Μ. διασώθηκε από τους κατοίκους των γειτονικών σκηνών, οι οποίοι την έβγαλαν από τη σκηνή και έπειτα κατέσβησαν την φωτιά με μπουκάλια νερού και πετσέτες πριν καταφτάσει στον τόπου του συμβάντος η πυροσβεστική. Αμέσως μετά, η Μ.Μ. μεταφέρθηκε στο νοσοκομείο λόγω των πολλαπλών τραυμάτων που έφερε από τη φωτιά.

Αργότερα, στην Μ.Μ. αποδόθηκαν κατηγορίες για «εμπρησμό από πρόθεση από τον οποίο προέκυψε κίνδυνος για ξένα πράγματα και για ανθρώπους» και «φθορά πράγματος που χρησιμεύει για κοινό όφελος η οποία έγινε με φωτιά».

Η Μ.Μ. και η οικογένεια της ζουν, επί ένα χρόνο και τέσσερις μήνες, πρώτα στο ΚΥΤ της Μόριας και στη συνέχεια σε αυτό του Καρά Τεπέ, σε συνθήκες που ισοδυναμούν με απάνθρωπη και εξευτελιστική μεταχείριση. Συγκεκριμένα, οι συνθήκες στον Καρά Τεπέ, όπου η 27χρονη ζει, μεγαλώνει τα παιδιά της και έπρεπε να γεννήσει το τέταρτο της παιδί, χαρακτηρίζονται από εξαιρετικά μεγάλη έλλειψη υποδομών υγιεινής, αλλά και από ιδιαίτερα σκληρές καιρικές συνθήκες. Ο συνδυασμός των ακραίων καιρικών φαινομένων με την τοποθεσία του ΚΥΤ του Καρά Τεπέ εξαιρετικά κοντά στη θάλασσα, αλλά και με την έλλειψη κατάλληλων υποδομών, έχει ως αποτέλεσμα τις επαναλαμβανόμενες πλημμύρες, οι οποίες δεν έχουν αφήσει αλώβητες ούτε τις σκηνές που χρησιμοποιούνται για την στέγαση των διαμενόντων.

Πρέπει επίσης να σημειωθεί ότι το άρθρο 58, Ν.3646 /2019, περιλαμβάνει τις έγκυες γυναίκες στον κατάλογο των ευάλωτων κατηγοριών ατόμων που δικαιούνται ειδικές συνθήκες υποδοχής. Συνεπώς, η M.M., ως έγκυος γυναίκα, θα έπρεπε να έχει μεταφερθεί προ πολλού σε κατάλληλο κατάλυμα.

O Βασίλης Κερασιώτης, Δικηγόρος, Διευθυντής της HIAS Ελλάδος: «Τα τελευταία χρόνια παρατηρείται αύξηση των περιπτώσεων λανθασμένης εφαρμογής των διατάξεων του ποινικού δικαίου σε υποθέσεις που αφορούν αιτούντες άσυλο και πρόσφυγες. Η περίπτωση της M.M. είναι ένα ζωντανό παράδειγμα αυτής της τάσης. Μητέρα τριών ανηλίκων παιδιών που είναι οκτώ μηνών έγκυος, κρατήθηκε για πέντε ημέρες και παραπέμφθηκε με υπερβολικές κατηγορίες όταν προσπάθησε να θέσει τέλος στη ζωή της, λόγω του ότι δεν μπορούσε να υποφέρει άλλο τις συνθήκες στις οποίες ήταν αναγκασμένη να ζει.

Διατηρούμε την πίστη μας στην Ελληνική Δικαιοσύνη και ελπίζουμε στην ορθή εφαρμογή του ποινικού δικαίου σε αυτήν την υπόθεση της απόπειρας αυτοκτονίας, η οποία δεν μπορεί παρά να οδηγήσει στην απόσυρση όλων των κατηγοριών».

Η Τερέζα Βολακάκη, δικηγόρος του Legal Centre Lesvos που εκπροσώπησε την M.M. στην προκαταρκτική της ακρόαση, δήλωσε: «Απόδοση ποινικών κατηγοριών μετά από μια απόπειρα αυτοκτονίας φαίνεται να αποτελεί μέρος μιας ευρύτερης πρακτικής του ελληνικού κράτους να χαρακτηρίζει τους μετανάστες ως εγκληματίες και εν δυνάμει απειλή, προκειμένου να αποσπάσει την προσοχή από την ευθύνη του κράτους για τη βίαιη, απάνθρωπη και ταπεινωτική μεταχείριση των μεταναστών στη Λέσβο και στα άλλα νησιά του Αιγαίου που έχουν μετατραπεί σε «hotspot».

Όσοι τάσσονται αλληλέγγυοι με τους μετανάστες, πρέπει να συνεχίσουν την δημόσια αποδοκιμασία των άδικων και τραγικών αποτελεσμάτων αυτής της μεταχείρισης και να στηρίξουν τους μετανάστες που είναι εγκλωβισμένοι στα ελληνικά νησιά σε απάνθρωπες συνθήκες, οι οποίες για χρόνια καταγγέλλονται ως κατάσταση έκτακτης ανάγκης για την ψυχική υγεία των διαμενόντων».

Οι οργανώσεις HIAS Ελλάδος και Lesvos Legal Centre εκπροσωπούν την 27χρονη πρόσφυγα.

Mytilene, March 9, 2021 – M.M., a 27-year-old refugee from Afghanistan, who set herself on fire on February 21, was released pending further proceedings, on condition that she will not leave the country.

On February 21, M.M., attempted to take her life by setting herself on fire inside the new Kara Tepe Reception and Identification Centre (RIC) of Lesvos. As a result, she sustained injuries on several parts of her body, including her head, both hands, back and legs and inhaled smoke which caused her to lose consciousness for a short period of time. The residents of the neighboring tents rescued her from the burning tent and extinguished the fire using water bottles and towels before the fire-fighter brigade’s arrival at the scene. M.M. was then transferred to the hospital due to the injuries suffered from the fire.

Following the incident M.M. was charged with arson with intent, endangering life and the objects of others, as well as with damage of an object of common utility by means of fire.

M.M. and her family have been living in the RICs of Moria and Kara Tepe for a year and four months, in conditions which amount to inhuman and degrading treatment. In particular, the conditions at Kara Tepe, where the pregnant 27-year-old had to live, raise children and give birth to a newborn, have been marked with extreme lack of hygiene and sanitary infrastructure, as well as with severe weather conditions to name but a few of the problems. The extreme weather conditions, the effects of which have been compounded by the terrible seaside location of the camp and by the lack of adequate infrastructure, have led to flooding of the camp, on multiple occasions, including the flooding of tents.

It should be also noted that the article 58, L.3646/2019, includes pregnant women in the list of vulnerable categories of persons who should receive special reception conditions; therefore M.M., as a pregnant woman, should have been transferred to suitable accommodation.

Vassilis Kerasiotis, Country Director, HIAS Greece: “In the last few years we have seen an increasingly misplaced application of provisions of criminal law on the island of Lesvos, in cases involving asylum seekers and refugees. The case of M.M. is a vivid example of this trend. A mother of 3 underage children who is eight months pregnant, was detained for 5 days and was overcharged after she tried to put an end to her life, because she could not suffer anymore the conditions she was subjected to in the new camp of Kara Tepe.

Nevertheless, we retain faith in the greek judicial system and we hope that the criminal law will be applied appropriately in this case of an attempted suicide, which cannot but lead to the dismissal of all the charges”.

Tereza Volakaki, Legal Centre Lesvos attorney who represented M.M. in her preliminary hearing: “Pressing criminal charges in response to a suicide attempt appears to be part of the Greek state’s broader practice of framing migrants as criminals and threats, in order to distract from the state’s own liability for the violent, inhuman and degrading treatment of migrants in Lesvos and other ‘hotspot’ Aegean islands.

Those in solidarity with migrants must continue to publicly denounce the unjust and tragic consequences of this treatment, and support migrants who are trapped on the Greek islands in inhumane conditions which have been denounced for years as a mental health emergency.” HIAS Greece and Legal Centre Lesvos represent the 27-year-old woman.